2011 Historic Context Statement - Draft
DRAFT 4/11
CITY OF LA QUINTA
HISTORIC CONTEXT STATEMENT
SUBMITTED TO:
LA QUINTA HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMISSION
Allan Wilbur, Chairman
Maria L. Puente
Peggy Redmon
Archie Sharp
Robert S. Wright
and former Commissioners:
Jim DeMerseman
Barbara Irwin
E. A. "Ned" Millis, Chairman
Stewart Woodard
Thomas Genovese, City Manager
Les Johnson, Planning Director
PREPARED BY:
LA QUINTA PLANNING DEPARTMENT
Leslie Mouriquand, Former Associate Planner
Christine di Lorio, Former Planning Manager,
Stan Sawa, Former Principal Planner
David Sawyer, Planning Manager
_________ 2011
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:
Staff wishes to thank the La Quinta Historic Preservation Commissioners,
Allan Wilbur, Maria Puente, Peggy Redmon, Archie Sharp, Robert Wright, and
former Commissioners Jim DeMersman, Barbara Irwin, Ned Millis, Stewart
Woodard for their review and comments of this document. The expert review
and commentary by Advisor to the Historic Preservation Commission Lauren
Weiss Bricker, Ph.D. was invaluable in this effort. In addition, thanks go to
Joe L. Maddox of the Coachella Valley Water District for providing copies of
aerial photographs and maps; Mary M. Murphy and Patty Cook of the Bureau
of Land Management for providing information and records on homesteading;
The Coachella Valley Historical Museum for opening their files; the La Quinta,
Riverside Main, and Indio County Branch Libraries for assisting in the location
of historical information; Fred Rice for his review of the draft document and
providing information from his files; Diana Ablard and Celia Arrieta of the
Riverside County Planning Department located and made available County
Planning Commission Minutes from the 1930's; Cate Whitmore of the
Riverside County Parks Department for copies of historical site records; Bob
Moore, General Manager of the La Quinta Country Club, for the loan of
historical materials; Rudy Valenzuela for information about his father; the
USGS for historical maps; Tom Kennedy for information about his family;
Stan Sniff for information about the agricultural families and practices; the
National Archives in Laguna Niguel for research advice; and Tom Core of the
Big Bear Historical Society for information about Guy Maltby and the Peter
Pan Woodland Club. Ron Barron, a local interior designer, provided
information about his uncle, Harry Kiener. Carolyn Walker and former Staff
member Britt Wilson who proofread the early manuscript and provided
valuable suggestions and of course very special thanks to Leslie Mouriquand
who was the primary author of the document and to Stan Sawa for his later
review and edits.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
SECTION PAGE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………….2
TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................... 3
1. OBJECTIVES AND METHODS .................................................................... 5
1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 5
1.2 OBJECTIVES ..................................................................................... 5
1.3 METHODS .......................................................................................... 6
2. CONTEXT 1: PREHISTORY AND EARLY SETTLEMENT .......................... 7
2.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 7
2.1.1 Definition of Context Theme ................................................ 7
2.1.2 Significance Criteria for Sites and Properties .......................... 7
2.2 PREHISTORY ................................................................................... 10
2.2.1 Early Prehistory – Prior to 1,000 Years Ago ........................ 10
2.2.2. Late Prehistory – 990 A.D. to 1850 A.D ............................... 12
2.2.3 Proto-History – 1800 A.D. to 1900 A.D. ............................... 19
The Missions ............................................................................ 20
Mexican Influences .................................................................... 20
The Bradshaw Trail .................................................................... 21
Railroad Survey and Construction ................................................ 22
The American Period .................................................................. 24
Reservations and Culture Change for the Cahuilla .......................... 25
2.3 LAND GRANTS AND EARLY SETTLERS ...................................... 26
2.3.1 Types and Number of Land Grants .................................... 26
2.3.2 Last of the Homesteads ................................................... 28
Adobe Houses .......................................................................... 28
Homesteaders Houses ............................................................... 29
2.4 AGRICULTURE ................................................................................ 32
2.4.1 Date and Citrus Pioneers .................................................. 34
John Marshall Ranch ................................................................. 34
Point Happy Ranch .................................................................... 35
Rancho La Quinta ...................................................................... 35
2.4.2 Truck Crops .................................................................... 36
2.4.3 Coachella Canal .............................................................. 37
2.5 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 1 ............. 38
3. CONTEXT 2: RESORT INDUSTRY ........................................................... 40
3.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 40
3.1.1 Definition of Context Theme ............................................. 40
3.1.2 Significance Criteria for Properties .................................... 40
3.2 LA QUINTA HOTEL ........................................................................ 41
3.2.1 Architect and Architecture ................................................... 43
3.2.2 Owners .......................................................................... 45
3.2.3. Construction ................................................................... 46
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3.2.4 Marketing ....................................................................... 46
3.3 LA QUINTA COUNTRY CLUB ......................................................... 47
3.3.1 Architect and Architecture ................................................ 47
3.3.2 Owners .......................................................................... 48
3.3.3. Construction ................................................................... 48
3.3.4 Marketing ....................................................................... 48
3.4 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 2 .................... 49
4. CONTEXT 3: VILLAGE AND COVE DEVELOPMENT ............................... 50
4.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 50
4.1.1 Definition of Context Theme ............................................. 50
4.1.2 Significance Criteria for Properties .................................... 50
4.2 COVE – 1920 TO 1950 ..................................................................... 50
4.2.1 Subdivision History ......................................................... 52
4.2.2 Infrastructure .................................................................. 54
Circulation ................................................................................ 54
Water ...................................................................................... 55
Drainage .................................................................................. 56
Electricity ................................................................................. 56
4.2.3 Social Factors ................................................................. 56
4.3 VILLAGE COMMERCIAL ................................................................. 57
4.3.1 Development ................................................................... 57
4.3.2. Economic Factors ........................................................... 58
4.4 DESERT CLUB ................................................................................ 58
4.4.1 Architect and Architecture ................................................ 58
4.4.2 Construction .................................................................... 58
4.4.3 Owners .......................................................................... 59
4.4.4 Marketing ....................................................................... 60
4.5 Properties Within This Context: .................................................... 61
5. RESULTS .................................................................................................... 62
6. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS ........................................... 62
7. REGISTRATION REQUIREMENTS ............................................................ 63
7.1 NATIONAL REGISTER OF HISTORIC PLACES ............................. 63
7.1.1. Criteria for Evaluation .................. Error! Bookmark not defined.
7.2 REQUIREMENTS FOR LOCAL LISTING ........................................ 63
7.2.1 Criteria for Local Designation ........................................... 64
7.2.1 Procedure for Local Designation ....................................... 64
8.0 REFERENCES CITED ............................................................................. 65
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1. OBJECTIVES AND METHODS
1.1 INTRODUCTION
This Historic Context Statement was prepared to guide a comprehensive
survey and assessment of the historic and prehistoric resources within the
City of La Quinta. This Context Statement was initially prepared by Leslie
Mouriquand, Associate Planner, and edited by Christine di Lorio, Planning
Manager, and Stan Sawa, Principal Planner for the Planning Department. Ms.
Mouriquand meets the requirements of the Secretary of the Interior's
"Historic Preservation Professional Qualifications Standards in Prehistoric
Archaeology”, while Ms. di Lorio meets the standards in Architectural History.
The governing stimulus for the preparation of this report is the requirement of
the City of La Quinta Historic Preservation Ordinance (Chapter 7) which
requires that a survey of the City’s historic resources be conducted. Since
the City of La Quinta is a Certified Local Government (CLG), the preparation
of this Context Statement partially fulfills the requirements of certification in
the CLG Program.
In 1995, the Historic Preservation Commission for the City of La Quinta
determined that a Historic Context Statement would be prepared by City staff
prior to having the first City survey conducted by a consultant. Prior to this
survey, there had only been cursory literature searches for historic structures
and sites performed by consultants in preparation of the City's General Plan,
and in conjunction with proposed development projects in various sections of
the City.
1.2 OBJECTIVES
The objectives of the project are defined as the following:
1. To prepare a fully developed context statement for the City
focusing on contributions in the fields of prehistory, early
settlement, resort industry, and agriculture.
2. To survey and evaluate historic resources within the City of La
Quinta, and to classify them with regard to contextual format.
3. To develop goals and priorities for preservation planning in the
City.
4. To produce a final document that will:
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o Enumerate the number of properties within each Context
and property types in the City.
o Provide the basis for evaluating all unsurveyed historical
properties within the City through the preparation of a
comprehensive fully developed context statement
document.
1.3 METHODS
After conducting preliminary research, the staff of the Planning Department
presented possible topics for Context Statements at the La Quinta Historic
Preservation Commission meeting in November of 1995. Commissioners
offered suggestions for additions and revisions. Rather than developing fully
all topics as separate statements, the staff decided to group them within
much broader statements, treating originally suggested themes as sub-topics.
Staff continued researching the topics selected and reported back to the
Commission in February of 1996 with a draft outline for the document. From
February through June of 1996, the draft was prepared. Much of the
subsequent discussion focused on the prominent individual settlers and early
developers in each of the Contexts. Every effort was made to assemble
information and to make it an integral part of the appropriate contextual
section. In order to determine the origin of certain properties that were
known to be either homesteads or of historic age, the Historical Indices
contained at the Bureau of Land Management office in North Palm Springs
were consulted. This information established the early settlement pattern,
location, and identity of the pioneers. None of the original homestead and
land grants are still extant; as they have been developed into residential
subdivisions or commercial projects, a few with originals structures
incorporated into the development plan.
The final three contexts that were decided upon consist of 1) Prehistory and
Early Settlement, 2) Resort Industry, and 3) Residential Development. These
contexts were developed to reflect the chronological development of the City,
thematic developments over time, and the connection of these themes to the
Cultural Resources which can still be found within the City. Within each
general context, there are sub-themes that further categorize historical
periods and particular types of development in the La Quinta area. These
themes have been extended to the present City limits of La Quinta, although
the prehistoric and much of the historic, events and settlement patterns were
not confined to this current political boundary. In a general sense, the history
of La Quinta is the history of the Coachella Valley. In another sense, La
Quinta's history is unique.
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2. CONTEXT 1: PREHISTORY AND EARLY SETTLEMENT
2.1 INTRODUCTION
2.1.1 Definition of Context Theme
The Theme, “Prehistory and Early Settlement”, covers an extensive time
period from the earliest prehistoric periods to the early homesteaders in La
Quinta. This context was developed to reflect the early chronological use and
settlement of the La Quinta area. There are three sub-themes within Context
1: Prehistory, Land Grants and Early Settlers, and Agriculture. Each of these
sub-themes is further divided into chronological or thematic categories found
within the broader category. The prehistoric period was included because of
the extensive archaeological resources found in the City. There are many
surveyed resources associated with the prehistoric and proto-historic periods
for which the following material has been included by way of introduction to
the first context theme. Although the prehistoric settlement of La Quinta did
not continue to the present day, it provides an important backdrop to the
early explorers and homesteaders in the area. Even though there has not
been an extensive survey of the City for prehistoric sites, there have been
many development-driven surveys of specific parcels over the past forty
years. At present, over one-half of the City has been surveyed by qualified
archaeologists in conjunction with specific development projects. There have
only been limited surveys for historic period resources.
2.1.2 Significance Criteria for Sites and Properties
In discussing significance criteria for the prehistoric archaeological sites
within La Quinta, reference is made to the section on Cultural Resource
Management Concerns contained in The Cahuilla Landscape: The Santa Rosa
and San Jacinto Mountains, by Lowell John Bean, Sylvia Brakkie Vane and
Jackson Young (1991). After a thorough listing and discussion of various
Cahuilla sites, the following findings of “significance” were established by the
above authors. These criteria are a local level method and guide to
significance of prehistoric, historic, and modern Cahuilla sites.
I. When making decisions on the relative impacts of alternative site use,
weight is given to information from the following sources:
1. Current testimony from the tribal group in whose territory a site
lies. For La Quinta this would be shared by the Torres-Martinez
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Tribal Council, the Agua Caliente Tribal Council, and the
Cabazon Tribal Council as La Quinta is located in a territorial
boundary area.
2. Information gathered in the course of recent cultural resource
management studies, usually for development projects, and
based upon consultation with the three local Tribal Councils.
3. Information from ethnographic, linguistic, historic,
archaeological, and other literature - published and unpublished.
II. The relative impact of alternative site use with respect to Native
American values is based on whether the following conditions are
present, and the location and density thereof.
1. A site is judged very sensitive to impact if it is sacred. Among
the kinds of places deemed sacred are:
Sources of residual sacred power, cremation sites, and other
sites named after or closely identified with powerful sacred
persons or happenings. This could include mountaintops, caves,
rock shelters, springs, or rock art sites.
2. A site is judged very sensitive to impact if it has ritual
associations. The following kinds of sites are associated with
ritual:
Burial and cremation sites; places used for prayer and
meditation, for healing, and for training shamans; places where
materials (plants, animals, or minerals) for sacred use are
gathered. The presence of ritual objects such as quartz crystals,
shaman's bundles, or ground figures indicates that a place is
sacred.
3. A site is also judged very sensitive if it is a rock art site that had
ritual connotations when made, and is considered sacred by
most Cahuilla. These are particularly vulnerable to impact when
anything makes them more accessible.
4. Sites sensitive to Cahuilla because of association with their
traditional life including:
Cahuilla trails, and places where they are known to have passed
in pursuing religious, social, or economic goals, very often all of
these at once.
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5. The sites of Native American villages, with the most recent ones
most sacred and sensitive because they have a direct historical
connection with living people. Modern reservations and other
places where today's Cahuilla live are also very sensitive.
6. Collection areas - or micro ecosystems:
Stands of plants, such as pinyon trees, mesquite, palm oases,
cacti, and plants providing food for the Cahuilla - and basketry
materials are necessary if the art is to continue. Species that are
endangered or whose ecosystems are endangered are of special
concern to the Cahuilla.
7. Sites frequented by desert tortoises, desert bighorn sheep, and
other animals are important to the Cahuilla. Species that are
endangered or whose ecosystems are endangered are of special
concern to the Cahuilla.
8. Springs and other sources of water. Hot springs or springs
where healing sites were or are performed are especially
sensitive, having sacred connotations. It is believed that hot
springs are connected underground with sources of power,
which can be dangerous, but also can be tapped for healing
purposes.
9. Sites named in traditional songs and other literature.
10. Sites to which people came to trade, visit, recreate, or process
food.
Significant clues to sensitivity include the presence of bedrock mortars and
slicks, other groundstone artifacts, scatters of stone flakes, stone circles,
stone effigies, and pottery. Rock shelters and caves may have deposits of
artifactual materials, including burials, shaman’s bundles, quartz crystals, etc.
Areas with a high density of artifactual materials are more sensitive than
those with a low density of material. Contemporary Cahuilla concerns may
be highest in areas which they presently use, or of which they have a direct
historical memory (Bean and Vane 1987).
The cultural landscapes associated with the Native Californians must retain
the integrity to convey the inseparable link of nature, religion, and philosophy
to be significant. Native economic landscapes are a reminder of how Native
Californians enhanced their natural surroundings to make the land more
productive.
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The California Environmental Quality Act states any object, building,
structure, site, area, place, record, or manuscript which a lead agency
determines to be historically significant or significant in the architectural,
engineering, scientific, economic, agricultural, educational, social, political,
military, or cultural annals of California may be considered to be an historical
resource, provided the lead agency's determination is supported by
substantial evidence in light of the whole record. Generally, a resource shall
be considered by the lead agency to be "historically significant" if the
resource meets the criteria for listing on the California Register of Historical
Resources (Pub. Res. Code, § 5024.1, Title 14 CCR, Section 4852) including
the following:
A. Is associated with events that have made a significant
contribution to the broad patterns of California's history and
cultural heritage;
B. Is associated with the lives of persons important in our past;
C. Embodies the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, region,
or method of construction, or represents the work of an
important creative individual, or possesses high artistic values; or
D. Has yielded, or may be likely to yield, information important in
prehistory or history.
2.2 PREHISTORY
2.2.1 Early Prehistory – Prior to 1,000 Years Ago
No extensive survey has been undertaken to identify prehistoric sites on a
city-wide basis in La Quinta. Gaps exist in the information about the
prehistoric period that can only be answered by additional research, field
survey, excavation, and other data collection activities. However, due to
early development completed prior to the requirement for surveys, some areas
will never be surveyed. Filling in the gaps in information will require a
framework to guide archaeologists in designing future research in La Quinta
and the surrounding environs. This document calls for such a framework to
be developed by archaeologists conducting research in the Coachella Valley,
and more particularly, in La Quinta.
The early prehistory of the La Quinta area cannot be separated from the
prehistory of the entire southern California desert region. The chronology of
the early period is controversial; however, convention has placed the oldest
archaeological materials found in the desert interior of southern California to
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the Lake Mohave period of the San Dieguito complex (cf. Rogers 1939,
1958; Wallace 1962; Warren 1967, 1984; Warren and Crabtree 1986).
Others refer to this early period under the regional label, the Western Hunting
Culture (Forbes 1982). Evidence of this period of occupation has been found
in the Colorado Desert; however, our understanding of this evidence is
relatively minimal. In the Coachella Valley, archaeological deposits older than
two or three thousand years have yet to be fully documented (Sutton and
Wilke 1988). The gaps in our knowledge stem from the limited
archaeological research conducted thus far in the valley rather than the lack
of human presence. Evidence of the early period may be buried deeply under
alluvial and aeolian soils. Archaeological studies conducted in conjunction
with development projects have revealed that there are cultural deposits at
considerable depths (10 to 13 feet) below the ground surface.
Very few details of the early prehistoric lifestyle are known beyond what was
contained in the hunting tool kit. There are regional variations of this culture,
such as the Lake Mohave (7,690 B.C. to 8,050 B.C.) and the San Dieguito
(7,080 B.C. to 5,670 B.C.) manifestations. The tools that have been
identified with the Lake Mohave and San Dieguito variations include flake
scrapers, knives, crude perforators and engravers, choppers, leaf-shaped and
shouldered projectile points, hammerstones, and chipped lithic crescents.
Ground stone artifacts are very rare in the artifact tool kits of the early period.
The type of artifacts found thus far point to the reliance on large game
animals as the dominant food resource, with small game, birds, fish, shellfish,
and plant resources supplementing the diet when possible. These people
traveled in small groups. They settled in open air sites and possibly used rock
shelters on a temporary basis. It is theorized that the early people migrated
from the Great Basin region. The Western Hunting Culture continued with
relatively little change until approximately 5,000 years ago. The desert area
changed little until about 2,000 B.P. (Before Present).
The second period of the early prehistory features a shift in the type of food
resources relied upon. From approximately 8,000 to 5,000 B.P. there is a
gradual change over to collecting and processing of seed foods. Numerous
food grinding implements are found. There is a noticeable increase in the size
and stability of settlements, which is evident by the middens (trash piles),
shell beads, and milling stones found at campsites. During this time, there
was a climatic change, which brought drought conditions in parts of southern
California. The drying of the interior valleys resulted in a thinning of the
inland population and migration to the coastal areas.
In the final period of the early prehistory, after about 3,000 B.C., there is an
emphasis on diversified subsistence strategies, or ways of getting food.
Large percussion-flaked projectile points become rare, and mortars and
pestles begin to appear. At about this time the climate changed and there is
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increased rainfall, which once again makes the desert a habitable place to
live. Many campsites with evidence of extensive use are found in the Pinto
Basin and most other desert areas. The tool kits now contain leaf-shaped
knife blades, hammers, choppers, scraper planes, seed grinding implements,
handstones, and milling stones. The economy was a mixture of hunting and
gathering, with the main reliance on hunting.
In summary, the early prehistoric periods were characterized by the expanding
utilization of rich and varied native food resources, technological
improvement, overall growth in population, enlargement and increased
stabilization of individual communities, and a gradual emergence of regional
cultures (Wallace 1978).
On the coast, the transition from the early prehistoric period to an
intermediate phase, known as the Gypsum Period, took place between 3,000
to 4,000 years ago. The most noticeable change is in the shift to a plant
food-gathering society in which hunting and fishing played a secondary role.
During this transition period, milling stones used to process seeds and plant
foods appear, thus the name “Milling Stone Horizon” is given to this culture.
A horizon is defined as periods with certain predominant characteristics, such
as artifacts deposited over a certain period of time (Eargle, Jr. 1986:5). The
telltale artifacts of the Milling Stone Horizon include deep basined metates,
manos, scrapers and choppers, hammerstones, and some bone tools. Here in
the desert, there is a gap in information about this period in time.
In 1996, an archaeological site was discovered in La Quinta that may date to
the Early Prehistoric – or Archaic Period of the La Quinta area (Love 1996).
The site designated CA-RIV-5832 will contribute toward the definition of the
Early Prehistoric Period in the Coachella Valley.
2.2.2. Late Prehistory – 990 A.D. to 1850 A.D
The Late Horizon ranges from 500 to 1,000 years ago, depending upon the
specific region considered. In the Coachella Valley, the Late Horizon is
tagged at about 1,000 B.P. when pottery was introduced from the Colorado
River area. Thus, in La Quinta, pre-pottery sites are considered to belong to
the early or intermediate periods, while sites containing pottery are of the
Late Prehistoric Period. At about 1,000 years ago, the freshwater Lake
Cahuilla was about a hundred miles long as it extended southward into
Imperial Valley. Along the northern and western lake shoreline, near present-
day La Quinta and Bermuda Dunes, were numerous prehistoric camp and
occupation sites. The people who lived in the Coachella Valley during this
time were the predecessors of the ethnographic and modern Cahuilla. The
Desert Cahuilla Indians believed that the La Quinta Cove was the original
“Garden of Eden” where human life began on earth, according to Katherine
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Siva Saubel, a leading historian of the Cahuilla culture and a Cahuilla elder
(Rice n.d.).
During the middle and early part of the Late Horizon, some of the Cahuilla
developed a lacustrine (lake shore) economy and lived along the western and
northern shores of the ancient lake. The marsh-like environment provided rich
resources, including water birds and their eggs, fish, water plants, etc.
About 500 years ago, the Colorado River, which fed into the lake, changed
its course due to siltation and stopped feeding the lake. As a result, the lake
evaporated, and the people moved their villages and changed their
subsistence patterns to match the changing environment. The Santa Rosa
Mountains, above La Quinta, provided the Indians with a wealth of resources
to replace those lost by the disappearing lake.
The intermediate period in the La Quinta area lasted until about 500 years
ago. After this point in time, the distinctiveness of the different tribelets is
clearly present. This regional specialization resulted in a variety of cultural
patterns and life styles, especially in southern California. Resources from the
local environment were maximized and supplemented with goods and ideas
from neighbors both near and far. For example, shell ornaments from
abalone, olivella, limpet, clam, conus, and other shells were traded in from
the coastal areas (Walker n.d.). Occasionally, these items are found in
archaeological sites in the Coachella Valley. Another example is the Mimbres
black-on-white clay pot found during the excavation of a sewer trench in the
Kohl’s parking lot (northeast corner of Highway 111 and Washington Street),
which was probably traded in from New Mexico.
Sites scattered throughout the La Quinta area point to the existence of a large
population of village-dwellers whose subsistence activities centered on the
freshwater lake. Cahuilla villages have been described as being small,
consisting of 100 to 200 persons probably of people related to each other or
lineage groups. Whenever the valley floor was not inundated by the lake,
villages were located on the open desert floor. With the advent of permanent
villages, there were also heightened social, economic and political interactions
and a complex inter-regional exchange system of trade. This is evidenced by
trade goods found in some sites and a network of trails providing conduits to
neighbors in all directions.
Villages were generally located in or near the mouth of a canyon or in a
valley, usually within a reasonable distance between a variety of plant and
animal food resources. The Cahuilla moved around in response to climatic
changes, because of pressures and opportunities derived from settlers, and
because of the effects of diseases introduced from Euroamericans during the
protohistoric and historic periods. The Cahuilla from the villages in Toro
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Canyon, Martinez Canyon, and other canyons on the desert side of the
mountains moved into the Coachella Valley after the lake had dried.
Large settlements were found at Toro and Fig Tree John Springs, south and
east of La Quinta, where there were artesian springs (Heizer and Treganza
1971). To supplement natural springs, the Cahuilla hand dug walk-in wells to
reach the groundwater. Until the early 1900’s, such a walk-in well existed
near La Quinta, at the village site of Kavinish, in what is now part of the city
of Indian Wells. Other walk-in wells were located on the Torres-Martinez
Reservation southeast of the City.
The Cahuilla located their villages near a permanent source of water, either by
walk-in wells, springs or streams. Mesquite groves and palm oases grew
where water was close to the surface. These areas provided necessary food
and water and attracted habitation. Structures found in a typical Cahuilla
village included small brush shelters, dome or rectangular shaped houses,
woven granaries, semi-subterranean sweathouses, and large ceremonial
houses. There was no standard arrangement of structures within a village;
rather ecological factors and the desire for privacy determined where they
were situated. While the ceremonial houses were usually centrally located
near the spring or well, individual houses could be scattered around a spring
and spaced some 30 to 60 feet apart. The size and shape of the structures
depended upon the individual or family needs. Caves were occasionally used
as living quarters.
The Cahuilla considered the area in and around the village to be the exclusive
property of the lineages who occupied the village. Groups of lineages
comprising a sib claimed specific territories that were arranged to reach into
all of the different ecological zones found in the valley and the adjacent
mountains. This provided access to all of the available food resources (Bean
and Lawton 1965). The area immediately around the villages was held
communally by the residents of that village. Uninvited food collection by
residents of other villages was cause for a fight (Strong 1929:40). Bean
(1972:74) estimates that there were forty-eight to eighty Cahuilla villages in
the Coachella Valley and all interconnected by networks of trails. Shrines and
sacred sites along the trails were marked by petroglyphs and pictographs
representing various villages (Bean 1978:575). There were well-defined trail
complexes between villages. Trails included those for hunting, visiting,
personal sib trails, and those for specific lineages to use. Some of these trails
evolved into wagon roads and modern roadways, and some of the trails in the
nearby hills and mountains are used today by hiking and equestrian groups.
The major villages in the Desert Cahuilla territory at the time of European
contact numbered about twenty. A large village was located on and around
the areas where the intersection of Washington Street and Highway 111 is
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located. This is probably a part of the village of Kavinish that was located in
the neighboring City of Indian Wells to the west. The village stretched along
the southern bank of the Whitewater River. Another major village in La
Quinta was Kotevewit, a village described by Strong (1929) as being located
five miles south of Point Happy, somewhere near the present location of the
La Quinta Hotel and the Tradition Club development.
The population and occupancy of a Cahuilla village was determined by
seasonal activities. The Cahuilla left their permanent villages during certain
times of the year to establish camps in areas where particular resources were
ready to collect or where there was game to hunt. Sometimes family
activities or celebrations would require a short term move from one camp or
village to another to participate (Jeffrey 1993:20). The typical Cahuilla
village did not follow any particular arrangement or pattern, except that there
were usually houses clustered together around a reliable source of water.
The traditional building style for the Cahuilla house was a brush covered, tree
branch framed structure. Buildings varied in size from brush lean-to types of
shelters to the earlier dome-shaped or later rectangular houses 15 to 20 feet
long depending on the individual family’s needs, and ceremonial houses. A
communal men’s sweathouse and several granaries were also located within
the village, clustered around the ceremonial house or homes (Bean 1978:577-
578). Family dwellings (kish) were usually circular brush shelters built over a
scooped-out hollow in the ground. Later houses, probably influenced by the
Mexican jacal, were rectangular and set on forked posts. Walls were
plastered with mud or adobe and the roof was thatched with tules or other
plants (Bean and Lawton 1965). It is speculated that some house floors were
prepared with wet clay that was fired into a slab-like flooring from the
fragments of undefined clay that are sometimes found in archaeological sites
(Jeffrey 1993:21). One such possible plastered floor-like surface remnant
was discovered during the archaeological study for the road improvement
project along Adams Street in the northern section of La Quinta (Mouriquand
1996).
It was not uncommon for two or three closely related families to build their
houses in a cluster and connect them with covered walkways and walls that
served as windbreaks. Many daily tasks were performed outside of the kish
(Bean 1972: 72-73; Bean and Bourgeault 1989: 41-43).
At times caves and rock shelters fronted with brush served as shelters in the
canyons. These canyon wall shelters provided protection from the intense
desert heat in summer and the freezing cold in winter. Rock shelters and
caves were used into historic times. Evidence of the earliest occupation in
the area is found at a rock shelter in Tahquitz Canyon, which dates at about
16
500 B.C. This shelter also contains evidence of Cahuilla occupation during
the Historic Period (Jeffrey 1993:20).
Free-standing structures had thatched roofs of whatever was at hand – palm
fronds, arrowweed, willow, tule, or other shrubbery – and were supported by
strong, forked posts set in the earth, as well as corner and frame posts.
Roofs were slightly peaked and had a hole in the top to allow smoke to
escape. Some houses had simple brush siding, while others had such siding
plastered over with mud or banked with sand for additional strength and
protection. It is thought that over time the traditional dome-style kish
evolved into a rectangular dwelling influenced by the Spanish (Jeffery
1993:20). Jeffrey explains in her article on Cahuilla structures that
archaeological data from circular house floors discovered in Tahquitz Canyon
(Palm Springs) dates to around 1,500 A.D.
The largest structure in any village was the ceremonial house (Kishumnawat),
usually circular in shape with the floor sunk several inches into the ground,
and having a diameter of around fifty feet. The roof slanted upward from the
side walls and was supported by forked posts. Hatching consisted of palm
fronds, willow, and other shrubs. Centrally located, this was the house of
the net (political leader), and here was kept the sacred ceremonial bundle.
With an attached cooking area and outside dance location, this was the scene
of political meetings, curing rituals, recreational activities, and other
ceremonial events important to the life of the clan. The interior was
separated into living space, sacred sanctuary (where the ceremonial bundle
was kept), and dance floor for ceremonial dances (Bean and Bourgeault 1989;
Baumgardt and Bowles 1981; Bean 1972; Bean and Lawton 1965).
Another structure of the Cahuilla village was the sweathouse. The
sweathouses were mostly subterranean and sealed with daub or packed soil
(Jeffrey 1993:23). They were used mostly by adult males who came to
enjoy the therapeutic comfort of the intense interior heat. The high
temperature was provided by fire-heated stones brought from outside to a
special location inside the structure. Because this structure was used by the
men of the clan it functioned not only as a health center, but also as a place
where matters of concern to the male population were discussed (Brumgardt
and Bowles 1981:87-88).
During pleasant weather, the Cahuilla spent a considerable amount of time
under the shade of a ramada. A ramada is an arbor made by setting in place
four or more stout forked posts to support a roof of poles and thatch. The
ramadas are said to have shown Mexican influence (James 1960:45), and
may indeed be a later architectural style.
17
Basket granaries were commonly found in Cahuilla villages. They were well
constructed and built on tops of square houses, sometimes on top of a
ramada, and sometimes on a low platform of poles set on four, six, or eight
supporting posts. The granaries were used to store acorns, mesquite beans,
and a variety of seeds (James 1960:45). Round or globular-shaped granaries
were constructed from arrowweed, sagebrush, and other brush plant
material. They were covered and often plastered with mud (Jeffrey
1993:22).
At present, there are no intact examples of early Cahuilla structures or
architecture remaining in La Quinta. It is possible to see reconstructed
examples of these structures at the Living Desert Reserve, the Morongo
Indian Reservation, Andreas Ranch, and the Salton Sea State Park, among
other places. Numerous publications about the Cahuilla have photographs
and sketches of these structures.
The principal large game animals that were hunted were the pronghorn sheep
(antelope), mountain sheep, and mule deer. These animals provided food,
sinews, and skins. Martinez and Toro Canyons were frequented by hunters.
There may have also been bear in the local mountains. Small animals were
also relied upon and included rabbits, squirrels, chipmunks, rats, and mice.
The remains of these resources are often found in the archaeological sites in
and around La Quinta. Most indigenous plants were exploited in some
manner for economic, medicinal, or ritual reasons. Some of the plant
resources that were utilized by the Cahuilla included mesquite beans, screw
beans, chenopodium, agave, yucca, wild plum, dates, acorns, pine-nuts, chia,
cactus, and elderberry (Barrows 1900:306-310).
There is evidence that the Cahuilla of the Late Horizon practiced limited
agriculture through cultivating corn, squash, beans, pumpkin, melons,
tobacco, and medicinal herbs (Bean 1972:48; Modesto and Mound 1980:18).
This practice was most likely learned from the Colorado River people. William
Duncan Strong, an anthropologist who studied Indians in southern California,
stated that wheat was also raised by the Cahuilla in small patches (1929:38).
The material wealth of the Cahuilla, who lived in and around La Quinta,
consisted of many items made locally and some that were brought in by
trade. Trading relationships were established with the neighboring
Chemehuevi, Serrano, Luiseño, Mohave, Yuma, Kamia, Diegueño,
Halchidoma, and Gabrielino tribelets (Bean 1972:69). Occasionally, some of
these trade items are found in the archaeological record. Trade with distant
peoples also occurred, as evidenced by items such as the Kohl’s parking lot
find discussed earlier.
18
The Cahuilla made good quality pottery in grey, brown, and red local clays.
The technology for making pottery is thought to have been borrowed from
the Colorado River Indians at a late date (Barrows 1900:46; Kroeber
1922:19). Some ceramic pieces were decorated with black or red lines in
geometric and circular patterns, while a few pieces were decorated with
incised patterns. Items made of clay include cooking pots, water jars,
parching trays, storage jars, ladles and pipes (Bean and Lawton 1987;
Kroeber 1908:54-57), and dippers, and ceremonial bowls (Walker n.d.). The
paddle and anvil method was used to make the various pots and jars. They
were fired very hard in an open fire-pit, which was much like a kiln. Cracked
vessels were often repaired by drilling small holes along each side of the
crack and lacing strips of wet willow and filling the crack with melted
asphaltum (Walker n.d.). Cahuilla pottery was made with crushed rock
temper using the paddle and anvil method to flatten and shape the clay. The
clay, when baked, took on a dull reddish color. Clay from local sources in La
Quinta was used. There were no corrugated or slipped wares made by the
Cahuilla. Their pottery was generally light weight, but brittle and porous
(Kroeber 1922:18-19). Several fine pottery specimens have been found in
local archaeological sites.
The Cahuilla were, and still are, known for their fine basketry. They made
shallow trays, storage baskets, gathering baskets, caps and trinket baskets.
The baskets were made of grasses (Epicames rigens) and reeds (Juncus
robustus or Rhus trilobata). Many baskets had intricate designs woven of
various colors. Large granaries were fashioned of willow, palm leaves,
mesquite branches, and other plants. These granaries were used for storing
large quantities of acorns, mesquite beans, or other food stuffs (Bean
1978:578-579; Bean and Lawton 1987). Barrow (1900) offers a detailed
discussion on Cahuilla baskets and basket making, while Kroeber (1908) and
Hooper (1920) offer additional information on the subject.
The material culture found in the archaeological record includes stone tools
and objects, projectile points, clay vessels, shell beads, and items of bone,
such as whistles. Basketry and wooden items are found only rarely in the
archaeological context as they were perishable. Much of what is known
about the Cahuilla material culture has been learned from historical and
ethnographic accounts.
Cahuilla society was organized into a moiety structure with two totemic
clans, the Coyote and the Wildcat. These two moieties formed the essential
units of determining marriage rules and ceremonial functions. The Desert
Cahuilla were further divided into at least 44 male lineages. Each lineage
seems to have had at least a single location, which it claimed as its own,
always near water. Most lineage names seem to refer to ancestral dwelling
places. Each lineage had a patriarchal chief, usually the oldest son of the
19
preceding chief (Gifford 1971:377). Cahuilla religious life was directed by a
shaman whose primary function was that of a doctor. A shaman cured by
removing the object that was the cause of the disease through a sucking
ritual, whereby the object was ritualistically sucked out of the patient’s body.
Shamans were both beneficent and malevolent. The selection of a shaman
was through a childhood predisposition for the job usually by repeated
dreams, which would indicate that the child was destined to be a shaman
(Kroeber 1922).
The first Europeans to meet with the Cahuilla were a group of Spaniards
under the leadership of Juan Bautista de Anza, in 1774. De Anza was
looking for a passable route from Mexico northward to Monterey for faster
delivery of goods than was possible by ship. Franciscan Friar Francisco
Garces and Father Pedro Font crossed the valley with de Anza in 1774 and
1776, and may have had contact with the Cahuilla. De Anza and his men
traveled across what is now the Anza Borrego Desert into Los Angeles
(Kalenberg and Milanovich 1989). Often the Spaniards roughly treated the
Indians, which resulted in violence. Hostilities by the Indians forced the
Spaniards to continue sending people and supplies by ship along the coast.
Thus, the contact with the Spaniards during these early years was limited.
There were no Spanish outposts in Cahuilla territory because it was
considered too far inland from the coast and the Indians thought to be too
fierce.
By 1769, the Cahuilla were divided into about a dozen independent corporate
politico-religious kin groups consisting of patrilineal clans. Each clan “owned”
large tracts of territory, each of which included several ecological zones so
that they could take advantage of a wide variety of resources. Clans were
divided into two or three lineages, with each lineage occupying a particular
village. Each clan was organized around a hierarchical religious and political
structure. Each clan had at least one ceremonial unit consisting of an official
ceremonial house, and a ceremonial bundle (Kaldenberg and Milanovich 1989,
in Bean, Vane, and Young 1989). Recent archaeological evidence suggests
that there may have been distinctive lineage burial practices at each of the
village sites.
2.2.3 Proto-History – 1800 A.D. to 1900 A.D.
The Proto-Historic Period is defined as the time or events that were formative
for the immediate historic period, usually just before contact with the
Euroamericans. The Proto-Historic time found the Cahuilla, a people settled in
permanent villages or towns as an independently developed tribelet or
autonomous people. By 1850, the Cahuilla had increasing contacts with the
Spanish colonists, the Missionaries and the Euroamerican settlers. The
Cahuilla did not fare well as a result of these contacts.
20
By 1819, the Cahuilla were trading with the Spanish. Through contact with
the Spaniards, the Cahuilla obtained new material goods and technology,
such as pack horses, cattle, glass beads, woven cloth, china plates, and
metal tools. They learned soap making and iron making (Bean and Bourgeault
1989). A trail was established by the Cocomaricopa Indians across the
Coachella Valley in 1821 as they carried mail through the San Gorgonio Pass
between Tucson, Arizona and Mission San Gabriel. Attempts by settlers to
establish similar routes proved either unsuccessful or impractical (La Quinta
General Plan 1992:5-17). The downside to this contact resulted in many
Cahuilla deaths from diseases such as syphilis, cholera, measles, smallpox,
pneumonia, malaria, tuberculosis, and typhoid fever (Rawls 1984).
The Missions
During the early 1800’s, the Cahuilla visited the Spanish settlements and a
few stayed and learned about Christianity and European ways. Mission
records show baptisms of Cahuillas as early as 1809 (Bean and Bourgeault
1989:81-83). Although there were no army forts or camps in the Coachella
Valley, no missions or asistencias, or pueblos or presidios, contact with the
Spanish proved to be a major impact upon the Cahuilla culture. In addition to
transforming the way of life of the Indians in general, the missions also
inadvertently contributed to their destruction. During the mission period, the
native population fell dramatically. Death was caused not only by disease,
but also by change in diet and dietary deficiencies, poor sanitation at the
missions, lack of medical care, and forced labor.
Mexican Influences
When the Mexican Revolution began in 1822, the Mexican colonial
government made grants of large tracts of land to Mexican citizens in the
southern California area. With the lack of other available labor to the land
owners, the Indians were kept in indentured servitude. The Mexicans did not
choose to settle in Cahuilla territory; however, Cahuilla men did work on
some of the ranches out of the valley. The Cahuilla took these wage jobs to
supplement their traditional hunting and gathering.
In the Mexican War of 1848, the United States gained control of California.
In the same year, the gold rush began in northern California. Many Cahuilla
communities became frequent stopover places for Mexican, European, and
American travelers. The Coachella Valley was the site of the most popular
immigration route to the Southwest, the Southern Immigrant Trail. This Trail
was traveled by more settlers than the Oregon, Santa Fe, and Overland Trails
combined. Several of the Cahuilla communities became stagecoach and mail
stops (Bean and Bourgeault 1989:88), and travelers across the desert had
21
become dependent upon the Indian villages to supply them with feed for their
livestock (Thompson 1996:138).
The Bradshaw Trail
During the late spring of 1862, word of a gold strike near La Paz, Arizona,
had spread across the region and La Quinta played a small part. Henry De
Groot, a young assistant geologist for the California State Mining Bureau,
took an interest in the strike and set out to investigate the stories of fabulous
wealth obtained by the miners. In February of 1862 most of the interest in
the strike existed mainly with the Hispanic community. By April and May of
that same year, samples of large nuggets and great quantities of gold dust
had reached the City of Los Angeles, and gold fever exploded. As miners left
the Los Angeles area toward the gold fields near La Paz, there were numerous
deaths of those who tried to cross the uncharted waterless desert. The need
for exploration and trail blazing was evident. Henry De Groot was hired by
the San Francisco Bulletin to represent them in the investigation of the
placers at La Paz. He was teamed with J. H. Riley, a writer for the rival
newspaper, Alta California (Thompson 1996:131-145).
De Groot described the nature of the early months of the Colorado River gold
rush, which included notes on geography, distances, water holes, and fodder
for livestock. Riley wrote many stories in his diary. As De Groot and Riley
departed on their journey, they left San Bernardino with the news that William
Bradshaw had opened a new, shorter route to the mines. Bradshaw was
thought to have learned of the shorter route from a Maricopa Indian living
with the Cahuilla at the Toro Village (located southeast of La Quinta). The
trail ran from the Agua Caliente Village (Palm Springs) to the Pima Villages,
near La Paz. Bradshaw claimed that this new route would save 200 miles
and ten days of travel. Over half of the route ran through the Coachella
Valley and, at one point, through the northern section of La Quinta by the
homestead known as Point Happy Ranch. As De Groot and Riley traveled
across the Coachella Valley, they stopped at night at the Indian villages in
Palm Springs, passing through Indian Wells and La Quinta to the Rancheria de
los Toros (Toros Indian Village), stopping briefly at the Martinez Village and
Lone Palm (Soda Springs), to Dos Palmas (near the modern day Salton Sea)
where potable water was available. They traveled on through Tabaseca and
Chuckawalla, through the empty desert to La Paz (Thompson 1996:138-
139). It was 25 miles from the Agua Caliente Village to the Toro Village with
soft sand in between that made for an eight hour trip for loaded wagons
heading for the gold fields. La Quinta’s role on the Bradshaw Trail was an
important one as a place to find potable water and livestock fodder, an
overnight camp spot and place of shelter from wind storms and flashfloods,
along the route.
22
However, the Bradshaw stage line was short-lived,.. On its first trip from San
Bernardino in 1863, the stage carried only passengers to the gold fields of the
New Mexico Territory. When the stage made the return trip, carrying $5,000
worth of gold, it was held up in the Banning Pass, the occupants killed, and
the gold stolen. The stage did not run again for five years (Santa Fe Federal
Savings & Loan Association 1977).
In 1868, the Bradshaw route was officially recognized and Congress
authorized a U.S. Mail contract to James Grant to carry mail from Los
Angeles through San Bernardino, La Paz, Prescott, and on to Santa Fe
(Bureau of Land Management: n.d.; Nordland 1978:112). Grant claimed to
have pioneered the same route. However, Grant’s report in a letter to the Los
Angeles Southern News was less detailed than Bradshaw’s; thus, Bradshaw’s
name stuck for the route (Thompson 1996:136).
An increasing number of prospectors and settlers seeking California fortunes
prompted San Bernardino County to dig a well for travelers’ convenience at
Indian Wells as the hand dug Indian well located near the stage stop was
unreliable. The Bradshaw Stage Line passed through the northern section of
La Quinta until 1877. When the gold fields played out and it was easier to
travel by rail and steamboat, the stage line went out of business (O’Reilly and
Bailey 1988). The railroad replaced the stagecoach. With the coming of the
railroad, the Bradshaw Station located at Agua Caliente closed its doors. The
segment of the stage line that passed through La Quinta was replaced by a
graded gravel road in 1915.
Railroad Survey and Construction
In 1852 and 1853, Congress authorized the Secretary of War to employ
engineers to find the most economical and practical route for a railroad to the
Pacific from the Mississippi. The first group was a detachment of the Army’s
Corps of Topographical Engineers under Lieutenant John G. Parke. William
Blake was a geologist and Professor at Northern Arizona University assigned
to Parke’s detachment, which surveyed the valley in 1853. These men led a
large party through the valley, discovering the San Gorgonio Pass as the best
low-level pass on the entire Pacific slope. Blake named the desert “Colorado”
giving it the name for the first time. He noted the old beach line above sea
level at Coral Reef (in La Quinta) and Travertine Point as well as tiny spiral
shells at the base of the mountains and on the valley floor. Indians indicated
to Blake that the last time water rose to the ancient shorelines was about
500 years earlier. For many years, the occasional small body of alkaline
water in the Salton Sink was known as “Blake’s Sea”. Blake, however,
referred to the ancient sea as “Lake Cahuilla” (Nordland 1978:111; Johnston
1972:617; Robinson 1948:149).
23
In 1865, the Southern Pacific Railroad organized to build rail lines from San
Francisco to San Diego and eastward to meet rail lines being proposed to
reach westward from New Orleans. A government survey had been
conducted by Lt. R. S. Williamson in 1853, which recorded for the first time
the San Gorgonio Pass, the only one on the entire Pacific slope (Nordland
1978:12). The work of the original survey party led by Lt. Williamson
prompted the construction of the railroad through the Coachella Valley.
“The construction of the railroad was slow and required intensive labor.
Builders used horse drawn wheel scrapers and men used picks and shovels.
Huge crews were organized and worked with remarkable speed. The sub-
grade was built with the scraper, then ties were placed, rails laid and spiked
by hand labor with spike and maul. Then imported screened gravel was
placed between the ties, and now the ‘gandy dancers’, a nickname for the
men operating the tamping iron bars, completed the road,” wrote Nordland
(1978) in his description of the construction effort. It is not known whether
Chinese labor gangs worked on the desert section of the railroad, but it would
not be improbable that they did.
It was a tremendous effort just keeping the crews supplied with material and
food. Water had to be brought in from the Snow Creek area by wagon and
team. Water storage tanks were provided at Cabazon, Whitewater, Seven
Palms (Garnet), and Indian Wells (Indio) as the rail line became operational.
A depot was constructed in Indio, as it was half way between Yuma and Los
Angeles. Indio was at that time called Indian Wells. A lively town sprang up
there to provide services to travelers and railroaders. Transportation from the
depot to La Quinta was by wagon or horseback.
While the rail line was under construction, two stage lines ran three times a
week (Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays) from the railroad terminus to
Ehrenberg, Arizona. The stagecoaches provided continuous transportation to
Ehrenberg from wherever the railroad ended. The two stage lines were the
Wells Express and the Arizona and New Mexico Express.
To encourage the development of the railway, the government awarded all
odd-numbered sections of land for 10 miles on each side of the track to the
railway company. The even-numbered sections were retained by the
government, which were later converted to reservation lands for the Agua
Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The award of this reservation land marked
the Agua Caliente as one of the wealthiest Indian groups in the country
(Santa Fe Federal Savings & Loan Association 1977).
Local Indians were hired to work shoveling burning coal into buckets to be
hoisted into the locomotive tenders. It was thought that the Indians could
24
tolerate dealing with the hot coal during the summer heat much better than
the Euroamericans, and thus they were sought out for those jobs. At that
time, there were three Indian reservations in the lower valley from which
there was a ready supply of labor. The Indians also supplied the railroads a
steady source of fuel wood for the engines. It is interesting to note that at
the time that the railroad was under construction, the valley was covered
with a heavy growth of mesquite and greasewood, indicative of a wetter
climate. In order to transport the wood to the railroad, a spur was built from
the reservation (near Coachella) to the main rail line. The area nearby the
spur was called Woodspur (for obvious reasons) (Nordland 1978:12-14), later
to be renamed Coachella.
The American Period
At the end of the first half of the 1800’s, the rush for land was intensified as
the missions declined and immigrants arrived. As most of the missions were
secularized, they were abandoned and former mission-controlled lands were
divided up into both large and small ranchos. There were no such Mexican-
controlled lands in the Coachella Valley; thus there was much less of an
impact upon the Cahuilla as there was upon Indians in other areas. The
Cahuilla, being an inland desert and mountain people, were essentially left
alone for a while. With the onset of the American period in California, in
1860 a system of apprenticeship was instituted when a system of involuntary
servitude was legalized. In theory this law required the approval of the
apprentices’ parents to enter the system. However, in practice, this law
made slaves of the California Indians. The extent to which the Cahuilla were
apprenticed is not known. Copies of indentures were to be filed with the
county recorder’s office but probably were not always filed. The most
important use of California Indian labor in the early American period was in
agriculture. In 1856, Indians were the main labor force on the southern
ranches in San Bernardino and Los Angeles Counties. The Indians were
essentially held in a state of peonage identical to their status under Spanish
control.
Between 1862 and 1864 the Great Drought hit California and put an end to
cattle raising as a distinctive industry in California. After the drought large
tracts of land began to be divided into smaller parcels for farms and small
ranches. With the decline of the cattle ranches came the decline for the need
for adult Indian labor. As settlers moved in irrigation projects were initiated
to bring water to the newly created parcels. As former miners (Euroamerican
and Chinese) glutted the labor market in the late 1850’s the demand for
Indian labor was further diminished (Rawls 1984:109-110).
25
Reservations and Culture Change for the Cahuilla
Although the Cahuilla were relatively isolated from the forced labor and slave
trade of northern California, they were being pushed off their traditional lands
by Euroamerican settlers. To stop the theft of Indian land and water on the
national level, the Indian Rights Association was created in 1870. The group
recommended a system of reservation land grants to the Indians. In 1875
President U.S. Grant established the first reservations for the Cahuilla.
Established were the Cahuilla, Torres-Martinez, Cabazon, and Morongo
Reservations. Later the Augustine Reservation was established. The
Augustine Reservation is two miles east of the eastern boundary of La
Quinta. The Cabazon Reservation is approximately three miles to the
northeast of the City, while the closest section of the Torres-Martinez
Reservation is located just a few miles to the southeast.
Initially the boundaries of the first reservations were not clearly defined,
which resulted in lawsuits by settlers who challenged the reservation grants.
In 1852 the Cahuillas were to be given a strip of land that was 30 miles wide
and 40 miles long; however, Congress failed to ratify the treaty (Nordland
1978:111). The strip of land would have included the La Quinta area. In
1887 Congress passed the Dawes Act, which allowed the division of
reservation land into separate tracts allotted to individual Indians. Conflicts
over land ownership and allotments went on for years. To resolve these
disputes the Act for the Relief of Mission Indians was enacted in 1891, which
established reservations in Southern California according to the
recommendations of the Smiley Commission. This act clearly defined the
boundaries of each reservation. However, as a result of the settlers’
lawsuits, the designated reservation lands were reduced by one-third of what
was originally designated.
Reservation life changed Cahuilla traditions more than contact with Spain or
Mexico. The confinement to relatively small areas of land impacted the
seasonal cycle of food gathering activities and migratory freedom the Cahuilla
formerly enjoyed. Children were sent away to distant boarding schools. The
Cahuilla language was forbidden to be spoken in the public schools.
Missionary influences resulted in the replacement of their native religious
practices with various forms of Christianity. Compared to other Indian
groups, the Cahuilla have been able to remain on lands that have been part of
their traditional territory during more than 200 years of Euroamerican contact.
Through the centuries the Cahuilla have used different strategies to deal with
Euroamericans and have maintained a degree of political and economic
autonomy (Rawls 1984:215).
Today traditional foods are still used by the Cahuilla at ritual or social events.
Kin relationships remain important. Pre-contact songs and dances continue to
26
be performed, traditional practices are common at funerals, and personal
rituals are still observed. There is also a renewed interest by the younger
Cahuilla to learn and maintain their native language.
2.3 LAND GRANTS AND EARLY SETTLERS
2.3.1 Types and Number of Land Grants
Homesteading in the Coachella Valley began in the 1880’s, mostly around
Palm Springs when public land was opened for settlement under the Desert
Land Law of 1877. Non-railroad lands were opened to homesteaders in
1885. Few homesteads however were established until the late 1890’s.
With the advent of deep well drilling in 1894, the Coachella Valley
experienced rapid growth for agriculture and tourism (La Quinta General Plan
1992:5-18; Coachella Valley Water District 1978:113).
Prior to 1900 the only documented settlements in or near the current City of
La Quinta boundaries were two Indian villages, one in the Cove area,
Kotevewit, and the village of Kavinish, in what is now the City of Indian
Wells. The village was observed and documented in 1856 by U.S. Army
surveyors. The earliest archival evidence of Anglo-American settlement in the
La Quinta area comes from 1900, when a few desert land claims were filed
with the Government Land Office on two parcels in Section 22 of Township 6
south, Range 7 east. Two years later the first homestead claims in the area
were filed in Section 30 of Township 5 south, Range 7 east, Section 10 of
Township 6 south, and Range 7 east. However, the 1904 USGS
topographical map indicates no standing structure in the area now included in
the City boundaries (La Quinta General Plan Master Environmental
Assessment 1992:5-18).
For the La Quinta area, the first applications for government land were made
at about the turn of the century. The types of land grants in La Quinta
consisted of Desert Land Entries, Homestead Entries, Railroad Grants, Cash
Entries, Reclamation Homestead Entries, State Grants, and properties
acquired through the Indemnity List. There were numerous attempts to
homestead and acquire free government land; however, only a small fraction
of all of the attempts reached the patent status. The Bureau of Land
Management Historical Indices records each of the attempts and those that
reached a patent. Many of the granted lands were later sold. Few
homesteads existed into the 1990’s. One such homestead was the Burkett
Homestead located on Washington Street, south of Highway 111 (southeast
corner of Washington Street and Avenue 47). Five generations of Burketts
are said to have lived on the homestead. Other homesteaded properties
included Point Happy, and Rancho Xochimilico.
27
The Homestead Act was passed by Congress on May 20, 1862. This act
gave settlers the right to enter a claim on as much as 160 acres and receive
title after 5 years of residence and cultivation. Heads of households, widows
and single persons over 21 years of age could make application for a
homestead under the preemption clause. If a homesteader did not want to
wait until the 5 year requirement had passed, it was possible to commute
their claim to a cash entry paying the minimum price per acre for their land.
By 1916 a homesteader could apply for up to a full section of land. The
Government Land Office (GLO) was the agency responsible for the review of
land grant applications. The GLO later became the Bureau of Land
Management (Muhn and Stuart 1988:278).
In 1862 the government provided land grants to railroad companies to
encourage railroad construction. The odd numbered sections of public land
were reserved for the railroads with five alternate sections per mile on each
side of the rail line, for a distance of 10 miles each side of the line. In 1864
the railroad grants were increased to 20 alternate sections for each mile of
track, thus reaching far from the rail line. In 1871 Congress stopped issuing
railroad grants. Three years after the railroad was completed unused lands
could be sold at $1.25 per acre for settlement and preemption (Robinson
1948:151). Preemption was the right of settling on and improving
unappropriated public lands and, later, of buying them at the minimum price
without competition (Robinson 1948:167). The property known as the
Marshall Ranch (Hacienda del Gato) located at the southern terminus of
Washington Street on the south side of Avenue 52 was originally purchased
from the Southern Pacific Railroad, in 1903, by John Marshall.
The interest in homesteading tapered in 1917 when the impacts of World
War I are said to have “busted” homesteading after the war. Primarily, the
interest waned due to the lack of available building materials (Bricker:
Personal Communication). Drought and the economic collapse of agricultural
products and livestock, along with little good farmland remaining, contributed
to the end of the race for free land.
The following types and numbers of patented grants existed within the City
of La Quinta in 1997:
State Grants – 1
Desert Land Entries – 9
Homestead Entries – 26
Railroad Grants – 17 Sections
Cash Entries – 16
Railroad Homestead Entries – 3
National Forest Grants – 1 Section
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2.3.2 Last of the Homesteads
Adobe Houses
The Riverside County Historic Resources Survey records of 1981 indicate that
the oldest ranch house in La Quinta at that time was the Hunt’s Date Garden
adobe house located south of Avenue 50 between what is now Eisenhower
Street and Desert Club Drive, on Calle Tampico. The Riverside County
Architectural Survey Form Number is 16-10-06-06, dated April 24, 1981.
The house is described as vernacular adobe hacienda style typical of the
period 1900 to 1950. The flat-roofed house was constructed of adobe brick
in 1904. There was a low garden-type of wall around the house. Also
constructed were workers housing, a storage building, and a cistern. The
record indicates that local residents attended community meetings on the
patio at the house in the 1940’s. It is not known when the adobe was torn
down, but sometime after 1982.
There were few early adobe houses built in La Quinta. Besides the Hunt’s
Date Garden adobe, one existed behind the La Quinta Hotel, with another
behind the Laguna de la Paz development northwest of Washington Street
and Eisenhower Drive and yet another south of Avenue 58 and west of
Madison Street. While there are other adobe houses in the southern portions
of the City, they do not appear to have been homesteads. Later, a number of
adobe bungalows were built in the Cove subdivision, which date back to
1935.
The only documentation on the adobe behind the La Quinta Hotel is a
newspaper article published by the Riverside Enterprise on May 2, 1970, in
which there is a photograph of the adobe ruin. The ruin is stated as being
built and lived in by five priests who came to the valley. The priests called
themselves “The Five” – La Quinta. No additional information is known about
the priests. The photograph shows a roofless adobe brick structure that
appears to be a four-walled house. No windows are visible in the
photograph, and no definite doorway is observable. One wall is partially
missing. However, the article states that the adobe was still standing on the
western perimeter of the 1000 acres of the hotel property. No date is
attributed to the adobe.
The adobe house behind the Laguna de la Paz development in La Quinta is
also in ruins, as only parts of the foundation exist today. It is located within
a cluster of tamarisk trees next to the base of the mountains, behind the
Laguna de la Paz development During an interview with Councilman Stanley
Sniff, the house was said to have been built by a Mexican-American man for
his family who attempted to farm the same property.
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The adobe structures appear to have been small and square or rectangular in
shape.
Adobe house architecture was described in some detail, in 1878, by Ludwig
Salvator, a promotional writer, in the following passage: “The adobe houses
are built after an old Mexican type and, if they are not always beautiful, they
still, however, deserve respect as comfortable and appropriate for the climate.
They are one-story and are composed of only one row of rooms, even though
the owner might be very wealthy. The roofs are either flat, made from
asphalt mixed with coarse sand and fastened all around with narrow boards
through which are carried small, usually wooden, drains; or the roof is made
from hollow tile. Around the house run wide verandas, which are supported
by wooden posts. All rooms have a door opening upon the verandas…inside,
the rooms are very simple, in many houses with bare clay floors which
however are without exception extremely clean” (Weitze 1984:20). Whether
the La Quinta adobes resembled the above description is not known.
Adobe architecture is also described by Karen J. Weitze (1984) as having for
the most distinctive components – one-story height, exterior arcades, and
exterior patios.
Homesteaders Houses
As discussed previously, there were numerous attempts to homestead land in
the La Quinta area. Only a fraction of those who attempted were successful
in obtaining a patent on their claims. To obtain a patent on a homestead, a
home was required to be built and lived in for a period of five years while a
minimum of one-eighth of the land was farmed and improved. The houses
constructed under these requirements were often small, single wall
construction with wood siding.
Architectural design requirements were not specified; however, most existing
homestead houses were built in a rectangular shape with a gable type of roof.
Building materials appear to have most commonly been wood frame with
wood siding, with wood framed multi-pane glass windows. Occasionally a
fireplace was constructed.
One of the last examples of a homestead house to exist in La Quinta was the
Burkett Homestead house, demolished in March of 1996 without benefit of
recordation or documentation. The property is located approximately one
mile south of the present day State Highway 111 on the east side of
Washington Street. Manning Burkett brought his family from Maine to Long
Beach in 1905, then on to La Quinta for his son’s health. Five generations of
the Burkett family lived on the property. From observation, two houses on
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the ranch were built many years ago, one older than the other. In 1917
Burkett homesteaded the property, so it can be assumed that the first house
was built in 1917 or shortly after as per the requirements for homesteaders.
The smaller house (probably the oldest house) was single-story, wood-frame
construction, with wooden siding. The larger house was a single-story,
wood-frame structure with stucco exterior finish. There is no documented
information about the architectural details of the structures or a site plan of
the property. Horse corrals were constructed on the ranch. A fire occurred
in the kitchen of the larger house sometime in early 1995. A demolition
permit was issued only for the burned house; however, both houses were
demolished. In March of 1996 the remaining structures were torn down.
The ranch site has been surveyed by an historic archaeologist. The property
has been developed into a commercial center. A plaque has been intalled
near Washington Street, recognizing the site as the Burkett homestead. The
last Burkett’s to own the property were Routhford and Gladys Burkett of
Mecca.
The first house built on the John Marshall Ranch, which was located at the
southern end of Washington Street on the south side of Avenue 52, was a
homestead house. It is described as small and was built in 1910. A
pamphlet, published by the La Quinta Historical Society in 1996, mentions
the small house but does not give any details. After the large hacienda style
house (Hacienda Del Gato) was built, the smaller house was relegated to the
ranch caretaker. The houses on the Marshall Ranch have potential for local
historic significance. Mellon and Associates documented the structures on
the Marshall Ranch in 1996. The Traditions residential project has been
constructed on the land surrounding the hacienda. The Hacienda Del Gato
and its adjacent grounds and entry from Avenue 52 have been retained and
restored and are used as the homeowners association office.
The Point Happy Ranch on the west side of Washington Street, just south of
Highway 111, was homesteaded by Norman “Happy” Lundbeck at the turn of
the century. It was a distinct development from the other homesteaded
properties. The ranch included a one-room grade school, built in 1916
primarily to serve the children living on the ranch (Wolff 1985). A teacher
was hired for the school. The school building was simple, with a gabled roof,
and constructed with wood-frame and wood siding. A school district was
formed which served the area between Palm Springs and two miles east of
Washington Street. A few years after it was built the school was relocated
to Indian Wells. The school district boundaries included over 190 square
miles and included present-day Palm Desert, Indian Wells, and La Quinta, as
well as a swath eight miles wide that extended across the Santa Rosa
Mountains to the southern county line (Gunther, after Fulmor 1916:119). On
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July 1, 1929 the Point Happy School merged with the Indio School District
(Nordland 1978:31).
The Point Happy Ranch had a stable and a small store where the Santa Rosa
Mountain spur reaches out into the desert. The ranch was in the path of the
Bradshaw Trail stagecoach Trail. Only a few hundred yards to the west of
the ranch, in Indian Wells, was a stage stop and watering hole (La Quinta
Historical Society n.d.). This may have been the walk-in well dug by the
Cahuilla.
The ranch was purchased in 1922 by Chauncy D. Clarke, a noted
philanthropist, oil man and geologist. He also acquired several adjoining
parcels totaling 135 acres. Mr. Clarke named the property the Point Happy
Date Gardens and planted a large portion of his initial 134-acre property in
Deglet Noor date palms. These were the first Deglet Noor dates cultivated in
California. His ranch became a great success, known not only for its dates
but also for prized Arabian horses and lavish gardens. Mr. Clarke died on
August 22, 1926. Prior to his death, Mr. Clarke sold his Arabian horses to
the Kellogg Ranch in Pomona, now the site of the California State Polytechnic
University, Pomona. Marie Clarke, Chauncy’s wife, was a founder of the
Hollywood Bowl and financially underwrote the Indio Women’s Club. Mrs.
Clarke died on October 30, 1948 (La Quinta Historical Society n.d.). The
ranch was left to Claremont College which later sold off parts of the ranch.
The structures on the ranch, which stretched back to the La Quinta Hotel,
include an Old California style house, a guesthouse, two swimming pools, an
archery course, bridle paths, gardens of rare trees and flowers, and a
worker’s village occupied by Mexican, Japanese, and American families.
Each home in the village was air conditioned and supplied with a radio
(Young, n.d.).
In the mid 1950’s Point Happy Date Garden was sold to Mr. William DuPont,
Jr., a member of the famous DuPont Chemical Corporation family. He built a
home for himself astride a mountain saddle in the Santa Rosa Mountain spur
that overlooked the Point Happy Ranch. The home is a single story, single-
family house of red brick construction. There is a built-in swimming pool and
patio deck on the east side of the house. Below, in the date garden, DuPont
built a Mediterranean period style home with a pool and tennis court in 1965,
for Miss Alice Marble, a tennis celebrity in the 1930’s. There were several
workers’ houses on the ranch as well as equipment sheds and carports. Mr.
DuPont died on December 29, 1965. Subsequently portions of the northern
portion of the ranch were sold off to developers.
The structures on the ranch were first documented during the City-wide
historic resource survey by Mellon and Associates in 1997. After a complete
32
documentation in 2004, including an oral history, Point Happy Ranch was
removed and replaced with a residential subdivision. The red brick home on
the saddle has been retained and a number of the date palm trees were
replanted within the subdivision.
2.4 AGRICULTURE
In 1849 Dr. Oliver M. Wozencraft, an Indian Agent for the government, noted
that the Indians in the desert were successfully cultivating plots around
springs and water holes (Nordland 1978: 110-111). In 1888 Stephen Bowers
traveled through the Coachella Valley and observed that the Indians raised
alfalfa, wheat, barley, corn, tomatoes, melons, and other crops. The
Euroamerican settlers were growing grapes, semi-tropical fruits, and melons.
He also noticed that the “date trees planted in Indio are growing rapidly and
promise much for the future.”
With the arrival of the early homesteaders came the beginning of agriculture
as an industry in the La Quinta area. One of the requirements of
homesteading was that the land must be under cultivation for a period of
time, usually five years prior to the patenting of the applicant’s claim. There
were a great many attempts to claim land and meet the requirements, but
relatively few applicants were able to obtain patents on their claims as
indicated by the Bureau of Land Management Historical Indices. The failures
were usually due to not being able to obtain a permanent source of water,
such as a well, on the land and then being able to farm it for five years.
The La Quinta climate was ideal for growing dates, sweet corn, Bermuda
onions, and Thompson seedless grapes. The high temperatures resulted in
rapid growth of crops. With the Southern Pacific Railroad depot located in
nearby Indio, farmers had easy access for shipping their crops to the Los
Angeles and San Francisco markets (La Quinta Historical Society n.d.). Cash
buyers came from outside the valley to buy dates and citrus. The produce
was distributed by rail all over the country, as well as Canada and Europe
(Sniff Personal Communication, 1996). Dates proved to be best suited to the
climate and soil conditions of the La Quinta area.
Dates were first introduced in the United States in 1888 by the U.S.
Department of Agriculture although they had been first introduced to the
Western Hemisphere between 1720 and 1731 by Spanish Padres from
Mexico. By 1921 there were three date experimental stations in the
Coachella Valley. Three varieties of commercial dates were grown: Deglet
Noor (date of light), Saidy, and Thoory. Dates brought a better return per
acre than any other branch of agriculture or horticulture. It takes about five
years for a date garden to establish itself for production (International Festival
of Dates Association 1921). It usually requires from 5 to 10 years for an
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offshoot to develop a root system of its own, at which time it can be
removed from its parent and planted in the garden. After it is planted, it
requires an additional 8 to 15 years to bring it into full bearing. It has been
stated that financial returns on a date tree under 20 years old are not to be
expected (Shields Date Gardens 1957:26).
The ideal date growing summer temperatures range between 105 to 125
degrees (F). Dates can be grown from seed but the most dependable
commercial fruit is produced from proven offshoots or suckers of known
varieties. A young palm will produce dates at six years old and be full
bearing at ten years. Date palms are not self-pollinating. Pollination must be
done by hand or the fruit will not develop and mature. This created a need
for farm laborers in the valley. A major supply of labor was provided through
the Bracero program that brought migrant workers from Mexico for seasonal
employment. As a steady pool of labor became necessary in the Valley,
various labor/agricultural organizations with the interests of the workers
and/or the farmers was created, such as the Cal Date Growers Association
which was formed in 1919.
The agricultural soil conditions in historic and modern La Quinta include soil
types from three main soil series: Coachella Series, Gilman Series, and Indio
Series. A series consists of a group of soils that formed from a particular
kind of parent material and have horizons that, except for texture of the
surface soil, are similar in differentiating characteristics and in arrangement in
the soil profile. Among these characteristics are color, texture, structure,
reaction, consistency, and mineralogical and chemical composition. Each soil
series includes variants featuring silt loam, fine sands, or sandy loams. The
Coachella Series consists of a well-drained alluvium ideal for truck crops,
citrus, grapes, dates, and alfalfa hay. The Gilman and Indio Series are also
excellent for truck crops, hay, and cotton (USDA Soil Conservation Service
1974). Thus soil conditions in historic La Quinta were ideal in many areas for
the type of farming that was attempted by early homesteaders and ranchers.
Erosion, clay content, lack of water, and microclimatic factors were the
primary reasons for particular problems or failed attempts at farming in La
Quinta.
After World War II the date industry collapsed. Date palms were taken out
and replaced with citrus trees on many ranches. About 1950 there was a
boom in citrus growing, especially grapefruit and tangerines. However, many
acres were planted in citrus just for the tax write-offs that were available.
Absentee land-owners, including ranches owned by celebrities such as that
formerly owned by Burt Lancaster on Avenue 50 (now part of the Rancho La
Quinta project), increased as the citrus tax shelter became popular.
Unfortunately inferior trees were frequently planted on some of the absentee-
34
owner citrus ranches, which lowered the quality of the fruit while volume
production took priority (Sniff: Personal Communication, 1996).
2.4.1 Date and Citrus Pioneers
John Marshall Ranch
In 1902 John Marshall and his brother-in-law, Albert Green, acquired 320
acres from the Southern Pacific Railroad located at the southern terminus of
Washington Street and Old Avenue 52 (BLM Historical Indices). They divided
the land evenly, with Marshall taking 160 acres west of Washington Street,
south of Avenue 52 and Green the east 160 acres. This Cove area soon
became known as Marshall’s Cove, with the periodic lake that formed in the
village area called Marshall Lake, and Washington Street called Marshall Road
at that time. Mr. Green sold his 160 acres almost immediately as he was not
a rancher. The Green property was not developed until 1961 when Howard
Ahmanson, President and Founder of Home Savings and Loan Association
and art patron, built the existing ranch house, guesthouse, manager’s house,
several outbuildings, and a 9-hole golf course. The main residence is a 3-
bedroom hacienda-style adobe blockhouse of Mr. Ahmanson’s design, with
Spanish tile roof (Desert Sun, May 9, 1980:D-1). It is situated in an
outcropping of the Santa Rosa Mountains and named Rancho Xochimilco.
The ranch house exists as the temporary clubhouse for the City’s surrounding
Silver Rock Golf Course with several retained outbuildings still used.
Mr. Marshall, on the other hand, kept his 160 acres and planted a citrus
orchard. In 1920 a large hacienda-style house was constructed on the
Marshall Ranch by a Mr. Swanson. A smaller adobe house and shed had
been built in 1910. Worker’s cottages were also constructed. A large
swimming pool located next to the large hacienda also served as an irrigation
reservoir.
The Marshall Ranch was actively farmed through the 1980’s. There was a
succession of owners since the ranch was originally sold by Marshall’s son.
Past owners have included William S. Rosecrans (Los Angeles real estate
developer and oil tycoon), Kelly McBean, James T. Holmes, Fritz Burns, Bill
Young, and Landmark Land Company. The ranch is said to have been
prosperous in its farming production. When Rosecrans owned the ranch there
were date palms planted in the north end, but after James Holmes bought the
ranch the dates were removed and citrus planted as the date trees were
dying. Although there is little information recorded about the history of the
ranch, it is known that Rudolph Valentino spent time at the ranch in the
1930’s and that John F. Kennedy was a guest at the ranch (La Quinta
Historical Society 1996; Desert Sun, December 6, 1990). It is also thought
that Marilyn Monroe had visited the ranch as well.
35
John Marshall made a significant impression in the local area as evidenced by
the naming of the intermittent Cove lake that existed south of the La Quinta
Hotel property as the Marshall Lake, and the name of Marshall Road (now
Washington Street). It is said that ducks were hunted on the lake up until
1923 when the Marshall Lake dried up (Rice n.d.). The lake was located at
the base of the huge Cove alluvial fan and filled with water when flash floods
came roaring down out of the Santa Rosa Mountains (Press-Enterprise,
February 3, 1982:B-4).
Point Happy Ranch
The Clarke family, who purchased the Point Happy homestead on the west
side of Washington Street , south of Highway 111 in 1922, planted a large
portion of their 134-acre holding in Deglet Noor date trees. The ranch
became a great success (La Quinta Master Environmental Assessment
1992:5-18). The ranch was called the “Point Happy Date Gardens.” Mrs.
Clarke died in 1948 and sometime thereafter, the Point Happy Date Gardens
were sold to Mr. William DuPont, Jr. The date gardens and citrus were
actively farmed for many years after Mr. Clarke initially planted the first trees.
The varieties of trees on the property included pecan, tangerine, lemon, fig,
apricot and mulberry (Press-Enterprise November 6, 1966). Avocado trees
and orange trees had also been planted among the date groves of the original
ranch. Later, grapefruit trees were planted (Daily News 1968:3).
Rancho La Quinta
Fred Ickes, who came to the Coachella Valley with Walter Morgan in the early
1920’s, chose to establish a ranch to produce dates and citrus fruits. The
ranch existed for many years as one of the most successful ranches in the
Valley and was known as the Rancho La Quinta (Anonymous 1951).
In 1932, Harry Kiener, of the Big Bear Land & Water Company, purchased
several thousand acres, a part of which was Rancho La Quinta. By 1943
Rancho La Quinta (not to be confused with the modern development of the
same name located east of the intersection of Washington Street and
Eisenhower Drive) had been developed with rare Deglet Noor dates and Marsh
Seedless grapefruit trees. Record crops of premium fruit are said to have
been produced on the ranch. In a brochure titled “Presenting La Quinta”
prepared by the Palm Springs Land and Irrigation Company (Reprint 1991 –
La Quinta Historical Society), there are several photographs of Rancho La
Quinta, which was located north of the La Quinta Hotel and west of what is
now Eisenhower Drive. The brochure describes the “agricultural potentialities
of the Coachella Valley; the completion of the All-American Canal and the
Coachella Branch Canal; the natural advantages already present in La Quinta,
36
plus a future which will undoubtedly witness additional community
developments, combine to make this area,… one of the finest desert income-
producing properties.” The ranch also became known as the Harry Kiener
Estate and most recently as The Enclave, a custom home development.
2.4.2 Truck Crops
As mentioned previously, sweet corn, Bermuda onions, and Thompson
seedless grapes were grown in the La Quinta area. Truck crops were limited
to the flat areas of La Quinta. In many places, there was too much clay in
the soil to grow many crop varieties. The lack of water coupled with
undesirable soil conditions forced some farmers to abandon their holdings
(Stan Sniff: Personal Communication 1996).
The Raymond Pederson Ranch, located where the Lake La Quinta
development has been constructed on Washington Street, at one time grew
gladiolus flowers (Ray House, Personal Communication, 1997). Mr. Pederson
attempted to grow dates but they did not do well on his property. Often
there was difficulty in farming due to the soil type, microclimate factors, and
availability of water. There were no natural artesian wells in La Quinta (Stan
Sniff: Personal Communication, 1996). The Pederson Ranch site was
recorded in 1981 for the Riverside County Historic Resources Survey.
Structures on the ranch consisted of an early 1920’s vernacular ranch house
and shed. A photograph taken in 1981 shows a date garden on the property.
A lake/reservoir served to irrigate crops. Aerial photographs taken by the
Army Corps of Engineers in 1938 and 1949 show the Pederson Ranch and
the others in the area. Later the Hernandez family grew tomatoes on the
ranch (Liz Montoya, Personal Communication, 1997).
John Marshall and his son Harry of the Marshall Ranch first planted
cantaloupe and onions for a summer crop. It is stated in a brochure written
by Patricia Mastick Young, and published by the Palm Desert Historical
Society, that the Marshalls farmed their ranch with the help of men from the
dust bowl states who had come to California seeking employment. Dates had
also been planted on the ranch. The date trees served as a landmark as they
could be seen from miles away. In 1921 when heavy rains came to the area,
the Marshall Ranch was flooded. Marshall decided to quit farming after
finding his ranch entirely under water (Young, n.d.).
Manning Burkett, who homesteaded the Burkett Ranch, is said to have
farmed “sidewinders, sagebrush, and grapefruit” on his ranch (Young, n.d.).
A citrus orchard is visible in the 1939 aerial photograph of the area.
Walter Morgan, who developed the La Quinta Hotel planted alfalfa and dates
behind the hotel.
37
Other farming families include the Kennedy family who grew cotton and row
crops on land they purchased from a homesteader. The family spent large
sums of money and effort to level the sand dunes on their property in order to
farm it. A house was constructed at 79-700 Avenue 54 in which the
Kennedy family lived for many years. A portion of the property was sold to
Landmark Land Company, which built the P.G.A. West golf resort on the
Kennedy farm located south of Avenue 54, straddling Jefferson Street. The
developers of the resort ironically utilized many earthmovers to build the
dunes, hills, fairways, sand traps, and greens back into the landscape (Rice
n.d.).
The Kennedy residence which sat vacant for a number of years has been
demolished.
2.4.3 Coachella Canal
In the 1920’s a Dr. S.S.M. Jennings championed the push for construction of
the All-American Canal to bring water for irrigation from the Colorado River to
the desert valley. The arrival of the canal into the Coachella Valley had
tremendous impact on the valley’s agricultural economy. Crop patterns
changed over the years with the availability of supplementary canal water.
The Coachella Branch Canal was constructed as an unlined main canal and
underground distribution system. The war years produced only token work
on the canal and distribution system. The branch canal began at Drop 1 on
the main canal and continues 123.5 miles to the Lake Cahuilla terminal
reservoir within the City of La Quinta. The first water deliveries from the
canal were in 1948. Improvement districts were formed by the Coachella
Valley Water District to pay for the canal improvements. From June 26,
1948, when the Coachella Branch of the canal was completed, expansion of
the irrigated areas was rapid (Nordland 1978). The canal is capable of
irrigating more than 80,000 acres of farmland in the Coachella Valley (de
Stanley 1966:48).
The Coachella Branch Canal loops through the City on the west side of Lake
Cahuilla County Park and PGA West, and receives its water from the Imperial
Reservoir on the Colorado River north of Yuma, Arizona. It provides a non-
potable source of water. The canal water benefit district in the City extends
north to Avenue 52 and west to Washington Street. This source of water
has been relegated for use in irrigation of golf courses, existing agricultural
areas and for recharging the underground aquifer (La Quinta Master
Environmental Assessment 1992:5-49). The canal terminates at the modern
Lake Cahuilla, which was constructed in 1969 by the Coachella Valley Water
District. The lake and surrounding park facilities are currently operated by the
Riverside County Parks Department (Coachella Valley Water District
38
1978:120). The construction of the canal provided many jobs for local
residents.
That segment of the Coachella Branch Canal located within the City of La
Quinta is locally significant and should be designated as a local historic linear
engineered structure. To be eligible for the National Register of Historic
Places designation, the canal would need to be associated with an important
historic context as described in Section 7.1 and having maintained historic
integrity of those features necessary to convey significance. The entire canal
would then be designated. However, it is beyond the jurisdiction of the City
of La Quinta to designate the entire canal. Thus, the only designation that
the City can bestow upon the canal is location recognition.
2.5 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 1
Identifying properties that fit within this broad context of Prehistory and Early
Settlement involves both systematic City-wide survey and specific
development-driven efforts. For the majority of prehistoric and historic
archaeological sites, identification is dependent upon the City requiring a
cultural resource survey to be conducted as part of the environmental review
of a specific development project. There are a number of archaeology reports
on file within the City of La Quinta and the Eastern Information Center that
contain confidential site information not for public review. This confidentiality
is required for the protection of archaeological resources from illegal collection
and site looting activities. The information contained in these reports does
provide valuable information about the location, extent, and nature of
prehistoric and historic archaeological sites. As additional reports are
submitted to the City, it will be possible to piece together the bits of
information to build a general picture of prehistoric and early historic lifeways
in the La Quinta area.
Homesteaders settled in the area in the late 19th and early 20th century. A
few of the homesteads had adobe structures. None of the original homestead
houses is known to exist today.
There were several historic resources identified that fit under the sub-theme
“Date and Citrus Pioneers.” Most of the earliest structures from this sub-
theme no longer exist. Those properties that do exist are the John Marshall
Ranch land that was farmed on and off throughout the century. The
Hacienda del Gato main ranch house was constructed in the late 1920’s, and
still stands today. The ranch grounds are currently part of the Tradition. The
ranch falls under the Property Type “1920’s Spanish Colonial Revival
Architecture.” Mellon and Associates (1997) concluded that the Hacienda
del Gato appears eligible for the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP).
39
The last resource identified to fit under the Agriculture sub-theme is the
Coachella Canal, a branch of the All American Canal. This linear resource
appears eligible for the NRHP (Mellon and Associates 1997).
As the City-wide survey is updated, there may be additional resources
identified that will belong to the Prehistory and Early Settlers context theme.
Additional resources should be added to this document as they are identified.
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3. CONTEXT 2: RESORT INDUSTRY
3.1 INTRODUCTION
“Every year the mecca of thousands seeking the sunshine, beauty and dry,
health-giving climate of the desert, La Quinta has earned an international
reputation as America’s foremost desert resort community.”
The quote above is the opening statement in a brochure titled “Presenting La
Quinta” published in 1943 by the Palm Springs Land and Irrigation Company.
This brochure was reprinted by the La Quinta Historical Society in 1991.
Pat Young wrote in a description of the history of the Cove Communities,
“that the communities each had a beginning in agriculture, mostly dates and
grapefruit. To varying degrees they were recognizable communities in the
1920’s, but their real flowering in the resort mold began after World War II”
(Press-Enterprise, February 24, 1982:B-2). The resort industry wrestled with
the existing agricultural influences.
Since the late 1800’s, people have been coming to the desert area for the
healthful benefits. Some of the first settlers and homesteaders were among
those seeking a drier climate for respiratory and arthritic ailments. While the
healthful benefits of the desert were capitalized upon, the charm and beauty
of the desert environment became apparent to those seeking a new place for
recreation and quiet refuge. Since the late 1920’s movie starts, celebrities,
and the wealthy have been coming to La Quinta for these reasons.
3.1.1 Definition of Context Theme
This Resort Industry context theme was identified and included in this
document because of the important role the resort aspect had on the
development of La Quinta. In the late 1920’s and early 1930’s the resort
aspect is what drew people to La Quinta, some of whom became permanent
or seasonal residents of the area. The public fascination with movie stars and
celebrities resulted in the lure to La Quinta and the marketing of the area.
The resort aspect of La Quinta continues today and is one of the dominant
“industries” of the community.
3.1.2 Significance Criteria for Properties
The significance criteria for the resort context within La Quinta is primarily
dependent upon the criteria for cultural resources in Section 15064.5 of the
California Environmental Quality Act Guidelines as outlined in Section 2.1.2 of
this document.
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Parts of the La Quinta Hotel appears to be eligible for listing on the National
Register of Historic Places (Mellon and Associates 1997).
3.2 LA QUINTA HOTEL (NOW THE LA QUINTA RESORT AND
CLUB)
The 1951 Palm Springs Yearbook states, “The little community of La
Quinta…was, strangely enough, a product of the First World War. In a front
line trench, thick with mud, two young officers huddled against the rain and
bitter cold and made a pact, resolving that if they lived through the war, they
would return to the United States and seek the driest, warmest, most
enjoyable climate they could find and settle down.” These two young men
were Fred Ickes and Walter Morgan.
Prior to settling on the site that is now the La Quinta Hotel, Ickes and Morgan
spent one year investigating the area and talking to people about where the
best-suited land would be. They narrowed their selection of a site based
upon the “abundance of water reasonably close to the surface for irrigation,
minimum wind, warmest winter climate, and the highest percentage of clear
blue sky.” After purchasing the property they had two wells drilled, one a
350 foot well that produced over two million gallons of water per day for
irrigation, and the other well, a shallower one for domestic purposes that
produced over 250,000 gallons per day (Anonymous 1951).
The La Quinta Hotel was the first resort hotel in La Quinta, constructed in
1926, by Walter H. Morgan. It is located at 49499 Eisenhower Drive.
Morgan was the youngest son of wealthy John S. Morgan, owner of the
Morgan Oyster Company, in San Francisco. The younger Morgan came to
the desert in 1921 for health reasons. He fell in love with the area and
wanted to build a small, secluded retreat. Morgan purchased 1,400 acres in
the name of Desert Development Company, in the lower La Quinta cove area,
in order to build his retreat hotel. Part of this land was originally part of a
railroad land grant and the other part was a portion of a State Grant Patent
(BLM Historical Indices). The land that Morgan purchased is said to have
been named “Happy Hollow” by the Cahuilla Indians who lived in the area.
Only a portion of the land was developed with the Hotel (Coachella Valley
Submarine, February 4, 1927). Six cottages were constructed as well as a
dining room, and office building. Through time, the Hotel has grown from the
original six adobe cottages to a resort of 796 rooms, villas and suites.
Morgan made the Hotel a “social must” by inviting Hollywood celebrities,
politicians, and society members to come for a visit.
A nine-hole golf course designed by Norman Beth was also constructed on
the property in 1927. It was the first golf course in the Coachella Valley,
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and the greens fee was just $1. A horse stable was also located behind the
Hotel, to the west. Horses were provided for trail rides and boarding facilities
were available. The Hotel had the area’s only telephone service in 1926
(Press-Enterprise, Feb. 3, 1982: B-4).
There is some speculation that Morgan might have selected La Quinta to build
his resort in response to the anti-Jewish atmosphere present in Palm Springs
at that time. Particular subdivisions in Palm Springs had clauses in property
deeds that prohibited people of the Jewish faith from owning property. In the
late 1920’s and 30’s Jack Benny attracted many people to the desert with
his references to CU-CA-MONGA and Palm Springs. Palm Springs developed
in response to the visitors with some of the overflow reaching La Quinta
(Cooper n.d.).
During the first year of operation, 1927, a Southern Pacific train became
marooned in Indio because of severe flooding. Charles Taft, son of former
Presidential William H. Taft, was a passenger on that train. He discovered La
Quinta when he and the other passengers were invited by the Hotel to stay
as guests until the train could continue its trip.
Morgan established the first post office in La Quinta, with himself appointed
as Postmaster on November 22, 1930 (Record of Appointments of
Postmasters). The post office operated until June 30, 1943, and most likely
closed when the Hotel closed because of World War II. Until 1948, all mail
went to the Indio Post Office with no delivery to La Quinta. On May 1,
1948, the post office was re-established as a winter post office. It is not
known where the post office was located, but was most likely at the Hotel.
Until 1970, postmasters were political appointees.
In the Spring of 1942, the Hotel closed for the duration of World War II
because gasoline and automobile tire rationing prevented travel to the desert.
During the war years, the United States Army requisitioned the property.
Troops were not officially stationed at the Hotel; however, Government signs
were posted at the entrance forbidding unauthorized entry. It is said that
both Army Tank and Army Air Corps Divisions used the Hotel grounds and
surrounding areas. Members of General George Patton’s staff are said to
have used some of the Hotel’s facilities (La Quinta Hotel, n.d.). During this
time, the cottages were locked, the pool drained, and the landscaping died.
After the war, interest in the Hotel was renewed as pre-war lifestyles
resumed. The La Quinta Hotel resumed being a favorite vacation spot for the
Hollywood stars and celebrities who came for the cuisine, privacy, and
pampering service provided by the hotel staff. The Hotel provided the
opportunity to escape the paparazzi and fast-paced life style of Hollywood.
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Today the Hotel has 796 rooms, 41 pools, 53 heated spas, seven
restaurants, a variety of shops, and five (two on site) golf courses. A
ballroom, Las Flores Ballroom, with subterranean parking garage was
constructed in 1996 to cater to large groups. In 1997, a new spa and fitness
building and attached resort units was approved and constructed. The
original landscaping around the Hotel comprises a cultural landscape that was
documented by Mellon and Associates.
3.2.1 Architect and Architecture
Morgan hired then unknown Pasadena architect Gordon Kaufmann in 1925 to
design the future resort. Kaufmann later became famous for his architectural
designs and received numerous accolades and awards. The first of these
awards was the Certificate of Honor in 1930, from the American Institute of
Architects “in appreciation of the merit on design and execution of work in
the building of La Quinta.”
Kaufmann designed the main buildings, the lobby areas, the open and
glassed-in dining rooms, the six guest cottages, and the grounds. He also
designed the furniture and lights while supervising all of the construction,
including the firing of the bricks done on the Hotel premises. Kaufmann
developed a project which drew on regional and Spanish influences evolving
into a style now known as Spanish Revival. The design incorporated
elements which would become Kaufmann’s “signature details” including
“loggias, arches, chimneys, pots of multitudinal forms, armadas for dining
and private patios enclosed by walls” (Mellon & Associates 1997, after
Muntz, 1992, p. 31).
Additional information about the distinguished career of Gordon Kaufmann is
highlighted in the “La Quinta Hotel Historic Resource Evaluation,” prepared by
Mellon & Associates, September 1997, on file at the City of La Quinta.
The La Quinta Hotel is said to be an “exquisite example of Spanish Colonial
architecture” (Britton, May 3, 1996). The architectural features of the
Spanish Colonial style (1565-1840) include red tile roofs, adobe or stucco
exterior finish, walled gardens, decorative iron work, and arcaded porches.
The La Quinta Hotel is tiled from roof to floor and contained pillared breeze
ways that connect it to the original dining room. The buildings feature
archways, clay tile roofs and thick walls after the California Mission
architectural style. The Mission Revival architectural style features hand-
troweled smooth finished stucco walls, arches, arcades, courtyards and tile
roofs. Windows and doors are recessed and framed with rough-hewn wood.
The high ceiling lobby is decorated with a series of sketches by noted
Mexican artist Diego Rivera. The sketches were covered over during a
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redecorating effort some years ago, but were discovered by an employee
during the 1989 renovation (Britton 1996).
The Hotel was designed around three courtyards that are still present today:
the Hotel entry, the service area to the northwest of the Lobby, and the
interior ovals in the middle of the guest cottages. The first 20 cottages were
built in two concentric ovals around the interior courtyard and were named
alphabetically for saints: San Anselmo, San Benito, San Carlos, San Dimas,
San Jacinto, San Lucas, San Marcos, San Nicolas, San Onofre, San Pedro,
San Quintin, San Rafael, San Sebastian, San Timoteo, and Santa Ursula.
One of the buildings designed by architect Gordon Kaufman is the Morgan
House which was the residence of Walter Morgan. It is located behind the
hotel on the west side of Avenida Obregon. The two story structure is
designed in a Monterey style popular in California in the 1920’s. it
incorporates key elements of the style with adobe construction carried out by
local builders and craftsmen in 1926-1927. It remains in its original location,
but the immediate setting has been compromised by the development of the
resort around it. Currently, it is need of earthquake retrofitting to make it
habitable for use by the resort.
The first swimming pool at the hotel and in community was built in 1937 (La
Quinta Hotel: n.d.).
The landscaping and grounds around the Hotel were important in Morgan’s
vision for his resort. The siting of the buildings in relationship to each other
and natural features of the environment were carefully considered.
Landscape architect Edward Huntsman-Trout was hired to design the grounds
and residential landscape areas of the Hotel.
Huntsman-Trout is noted for the many gardens he designed throughout
Southern California from the 1920’s to the early 1970’s, and his development
of a “California Style” landscape. Additional details of Huntsman-Trout’s
career are discussed in the “La Quinta Hotel Historic Resources Evaluation,”
prepared by Mellon and Associates in 1997.
The original landscape design of the Hotel’s formal entry, drive, and garage
court have been reconfigured. However, the design of the residential grounds
around the casitas remains remarkably intact. The design of the grounds and
the placement of the casitas around the walkways are formal and
symmetrical in plan. A pair of walkways lead south from the hotel building
and intersect with a cross axis which runs east-west. The pair of walkways
leading south, amble out as they cross the axis. An elongated oval garden
walkway is centered in each of the garden courts. Four casitas are arranged
around each oval. Parallel east-west walkways are situated to the north and
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south of the main cross axis. Twelve other historic casitas are located
around these walkways (Mellon & Associates 1997).
3.2.2 Owners
There have been several changes of ownership of the La Quinta Hotel. The
original owner was Walter H. Morgan who owned the property until 1931.
Morgan died in April of 1931 as a result of carbon monoxide poisoning. He
had a tubercular condition and it is speculated that he took his own life
because of his poor health and the decline of his family’s finances due to the
Depression. Morgan was cremated and his ashes spread over the date
garden and flower gardens. As a result, the hotel closed its doors after the
fifth season in financial turmoil (La Quinta Hotel n.d.). In 1931, Frederick
Clift of San Francisco’s Clift Hotel leased the La Quinta Hotel (Young, n.d.).
The courts appointed B. J. Bradner, an attorney and hotel investor, as the
owner following Morgan’s death. Bradner owned the hotel until 1945 after
the Second World War (Fred Rice: Personal Communication: 1996; La Quinta
Hotel n.d.).
The land around the Hotel was purchased in 1932 by Harry Kiener, a
promoter of Big Bear Land and Water Company, who was hoping to create a
private club. Under Bradner, the Hotel experienced resurgence in the late
1930’s. Kaufmann was again commissioned and “an extensive program of
improvements…chief among which was the installation of the new swimming
pool” was undertaken (El Heraldo de La Quinta, December 1938).
For three months in 1945, Arnold S. Kirkeby, a Chicago hotelier, owned the
property. From 1945 to 1950, John Balaban was the owner. Balaban was
part of Balaban and Katz, large Midwest theater owners. Barney Balaban,
John’s brother, was head of Paramount Studios (Fred Rice: Personal
Communication: 1996). Through the promotion by Balaam’s brother, Barney,
Hollywood’s top stars were seen at the Hotel.
From 1955 or ’56 to 1977, Leonard Ettleson owned the La Quinta Hotel.
Ettleson sold the property in 1977 to Landmark Land Company, Inc. Ernie
Vossler and John Walser were both vice-presidents of the company. In 1984
CRI Inc., from Rockville, Maryland purchased the property. In 1995, the
property was purchased by KSL Recreation Corporation. (Fred Rice: Personal
Communication: 1996). They owned it until 2004 when CNL Hospitality
Properties purchased it along with several other KSL owned resorts. In 2007,
CNL was purchased by Morgan Stanley’s real estate arm.
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3.2.3. Construction
The total construction cost of the original Hotel is estimated to have been
$150,000. The construction progress was publicized in a local newspaper,
the Coachella Valley Submarine. In an article in the November 19, 1926
edition, it was stated that the Hotel was “obviously a unique and prestigious
undertaking for the Coachella Valley.” The superintendent of work was
Crane Bruner. Carpentry work was supervised by C. N. Sinclair, a contractor
from Indio; plumbing by L. P. Pratt; electrical by Ralph Alden; and the sewer
system by Thomas E. Allen. Porch furniture was also made in hotel shops
(California Arts and Architecture 1930).
The heating system was designed as a large concrete tunnel, which carried
heat to the cottages from one giant heating plant. The dining room was
described as a very imposing structure, with walls three feet thick and a high
ceiling. About 100 guests could be accommodated in the dining room.
The roof and floor tiles were fired in a kiln made for that purpose. The
roofing tile was a pink sand tint while the floor tile was somewhat redder
than the average house brick. The site of the original kiln is on the Golf Club
Mountain Course. Here, Mexican-American laborers hand made more than
100,000 adobe bricks, 60,000 roof tiles, and 5,000 floor tiles. Joe
Valenzuela Roofing, a local company, was hired to manufacture the bricks
and tiles (Rudy Valenzuela: Personal Communication, 1996). Clay from the
Green/Marshall lakebed was used to make the roof and floor tiles for the
Hotel (Rice n.d.).
The construction of the Hotel provided a boon of employment opportunities to
the Valley. Over 80 men were employed in the construction of an additional
14 cottages during the second year of operation, bringing the total units
available to twenty (Coachella Valley Submarine August 19, 1927).
The interior designer for the resort was Charles Ray Glass of Pasadena’s
Cheesewright Studio. The craftsmanship and quality of building materials
along with excellence of architectural design and attention to detail resulted
in an award-winning project which was published in numerous magazines and
prestigious architectural journals (Mellon and Associates 1997).
3.2.4 Marketing
Though Morgan was opposed to advertising, he had a special talent for
publicity and public relations. Through his family’s connections, he knew the
right people in the business and social worlds. He made La Quinta Hotel a
social “must” by carefully inviting Hollywood celebrities. The Hotel had a
feature the early movie stars were looking for – privacy. Those who
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frequented the Hotel included Marie Dressler, Greta Garbo, Delores del Rio,
Ginger Rogers, Bette Davis, William Powell, Joan Crawford, Joe McCrea,
Marlene Dietrich, Katherine Hepburn, Clark Gable, Richard Widmark, Robert
Montgomery, Charles Boyer, Erroll Flynn, Frank Capra, and Ronald Coleman.
Business moguls such as the DuPonts, the Gianninis and the Vanderbilts also
vacationed at the Hotel (La Quinta Hotel n.d.). Frank Capra ultimately came
to live at the Hotel until his death in 1991.
In 1927 local advertising took the form of newspaper articles in the Coachella
Valley Submarine and The Date Palm newspapers about construction progress
on the Hotel and its grand opening. In addition, a brochure titled, ‘La Quinta’
was published by the Hotel shortly after its construction. This brochure was
reprinted by the La Quinta Historical Society in 1991. Several black and
white photographs of the hotel buildings, interiors, and area around the Hotel
are included in this brochure.
Word of mouth advertising and written endorsements by former guests of the
Hotel was common. In 1938, Cornelious Vanderbilt, Jr. wrote, “If it’s far
from the maddening crowd you want to be, there’s no better place to be than
at the exclusive La Quinta Hotel.”
3.3 LA QUINTA COUNTRY CLUB
When Leonard Ettleson and a group of investors purchased the La Quinta
Hotel in 1958, he discovered that it was not going to be a money-maker and
that he would need to develop the surrounding property in order to make a
return on his investment. He and his partners planned and gained approval of
the La Quinta Country Club Estates subdivision, which created estate-sized
lots surrounding a golf course. The Club was planned as a private golf club
with members from around the country. Membership was and is by invitation
only. The Articles of Incorporation for the La Quinta Country Club were filed
with the Riverside County Recorder on March 12, 1959.
3.3.1 Architect and Architecture
The architect for the clubhouse was Jack White from Sherman Oaks (Moore:
Personal Communication). No other information is known about Mr. White or
the design process of the clubhouse.
The original club house was a large mobile home that had been used at
another local country club on a temporary basis. It became known as the
“Shack.”
A new clubhouse was built in 1966. It was described as the “jewel of the
desert.” The building was Mediterranean architectural style with tall, carved
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doors featuring wrought iron handmade in Mexico and stucco wood frame
multi pane glass windows. Interior ceilings were 20 feet with wooden
beams. It suffered significant foundation and structural damage in an
earthquake in 2005 and has been demolished
The designers and builders of the golf course were Frank Hughes and brother,
Lawrence Hughes, prominent golf course professionals of the time.
3.3.2 Owners
In 1958, Leonard Ettleson, John Elsbach, Col. Courtney Turner, Billy
Friedman, and Roy Crummer purchased property across the street, to the
east, from the La Quinta Hotel. There they developed the La Quinta Country
Club on 130 acres in 1959. The Club was later sold to the Club members.
3.3.3. Construction
Custom home sites were created by the subdivision. The Homeowners’
Association for the La Quinta Country Club reviews custom home designs
prior to issuance of a building permit. As a result, the homes built in the Golf
Estates are custom designed and constructed homes with variety in
architectural styles. A few vacant lots still exist within the subdivision. The
building of homes in the Estates has been a gradual, but continual process
since the subdivision was created. The Estates were walled in with a
masonry block wall along Eisenhower Drive in 1986. An entry gate was
constructed at Coachella Drive and Eisenhower Drive at the same time.
3.3.4 Marketing
Marketing of the La Quinta Country Club was aggressive in the early years of
its development. Mrs. Laurene Hollander would take advantage of guest days
at other clubs to casually promote the La Quinta Country Club. The first big
promotion of the Club was when President Eisenhower flew down to dedicate
the Club on October 23, 1960. In November of 1963, the first taped for
television golf tournament was sponsored by CBS, and called the CBS Match
Play Classic. This event did much for the marketing of the Club and resulted
in a large increase in Club membership. In 1967, the first Bob Hope Desert
Classic was hosted at the Country Club. The live television coverage of the
Classic brought world fame to La Quinta.
The course is said to have been a favorite of President Dwight D. Eisenhower,
and that Eisenhower’s brother, Edgar, maintained a home there for many
years. A monument commemorating President Eisenhower’s dedication of
the Country Club was erected on the golf course.
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3.4 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 2
The City-wide survey identified several resources that are categorized under
the Resort Industry Context. The first theme under the Resort Industry
context is the La Quinta Hotel. The Hotel was built in 1926-27 for Walter
Morgan and designed by renowned Southern California architect Gordon
Kaufmann. The Hotel complex included the main hotel and individual guest
bungalows known as casitas arranged around a landscape designed by the
pre-eminent pioneer landscape architect, Edward Huntsman-Trout. The Hotel
casitas and grounds appear eligible for the NRHP as a district. The Hotel
structures fall under the “1920’s Spanish Colonial Revival” property type.
Three other resources on the La Quinta Hotel grounds appear eligible for the
NRHP. They are the Walter Morgan House and Cyrus Pierce House (both
designed by Gordon Kaufmann) and La Sala. All three structures can be
categorized under the “1920’s Spanish Colonial Revival” Property Type
(Mellon and Associates 1997).
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4. CONTEXT 3: VILLAGE AND COVE DEVELOPMENT
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The development of the La Quinta Hotel set the stage for the transition of La
Quinta from an agricultural community of homesteads and ranches in the
early 20th Century to a growing City in the 21th Century. The architectural
style of the Hotel was continued with the construction of the first residential
units in the Cove.
The Cove residential subdivision was originally laid out in the 1930’s as a part
of a winter resort club community. The Village associated commercial
development never fully evolved as a “downtown.” Development has
occurred in a random manner and many parcels are still vacant
4.1.1 Definition of Context Theme
This context theme encompasses the planning and development of the cove
area of La Quinta. The Cove subdivision was part of a planned seasonal
resort project that set the flavor and character of La Quinta.
4.1.2 Significance Criteria for Properties
Significance criteria for the cove residential areas are based upon architectural
significance and that contained in CEQA’s guidelines. The historic bungalows
or casitas and commercial buildings in the Cove appear to have local
significance. In order for these homes and buildings to be eligible for the
National Register, they would have to meet the criteria found in Section 7.1
of this document.
4.2 COVE – 1920 TO 1950
The first residential development in La Quinta was the subdivision of the
Cove. The project was called “Vale La Quinta.” The subdivision was laid out
in the early 1930’s and was essentially a lot sales program with the typical
lot being 50 x 100 feet, although fifty prototypical adobe bungalows were
constructed, most of which still remain today. The lots alone sold for $500
with $25.00 down (Desert Sun, January 30, 1990). Developer of the
project, E. S. “Harry” Kiener was advertising the new planned community as
one to rival Palm Springs. He sold “weekend homes” completely furnished,
including the linens, for $2,500. Kiener’s nephew, Ron Barron tells that his
uncle sold lots through a telemarketing sales operation whereby Kiener and a
cousin would telephone people to promote the planned seasonal resort lots
sales (Ron Barron, Personal Communication, 1996).
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Harry Kiener was married to an actress who continued to live in La Quinta
long after Harry died in 1942. Her name was not known to Mr. Barron (Ron
Barron: Personal Communication 1996). He does recall that there was a rock
wall around his uncle’s house consisting of very large rocks. The house was
located at the entrance of the golf course, and was Spanish style with tile
floors. This is probably the house built on Rancho La Quinta by Harry Kiener
in the late 1920’s as indicated on a list of La Quinta Historic Landmarks and
Residences (prepared by Fred Rice, of the La Quinta Historical Society in
1991).
Streets were laid out in a gridiron pattern. They were graded, but not paved.
Some of the streets were oiled to keep the dust down. The oil applied to the
dirt streets hardened into a pavement type of surface.
The function of the cove development was patterned after the Peter Pan
Woodland Club, a hunting and fishing lodge, developed in Big Bear, California
in the 1920’s. The developer was Harry Kiener. Mr. Guy Maltby was hired
by Mr. Kiener to assist him with the development of the club, while building
some of the cabins at the same time. Lots were sold and cabins built for
summer residents. The clubhouse, designed by S. Charles Lee was
constructed about 1929, and consisted of a large lounge, lady’s lounge,
men’s lounge, game room, dining room, bar, and recreation room upstairs for
dancing and movies. It was planned that the members of the Peter Pan Club
would have reciprocal membership in the Desert Club during the wintertime.
A member would spend summers in Big Bear and winters in La Quinta
(Spence: n.d.).
In 1934-35, Mr. Kiener purchased and subdivided the Cove property in La
Quinta and started to sell lots. He approached Guy Maltby and asked him to
go to La Quinta and start the La Quinta Building and Lumber Company. Mr.
Kiener thought this would be a good winter business and it would help keep
the building crews together for Big Bear City in the summer. At La Quinta,
Mr. Maltby built an office and lumberyard within the Village. He sold more
homes, financed under the Federal Home Administration (F.H.A.) program
(Spence: n.d.). The office and lumberyard was one of the two first
commercial buildings in the Village. It was first owned by Harry Kiener, then
by Frank Stone. The other building to be built in the Village was the
Administration building that now serves to house the La Quinta Historical
Museum. The museum building owned by the City of La Quinta was recently
expanded by addition of a two story freestanding addition at the rear with the
original building now housing the La Quinta Historical Society.
The Desert Club, long promised by the promoters of the development, was
constructed in 1940 by Mr. Glick and Frank Stone, as a part of the Cove
subdivision forming at first the sales office and later the clubhouse for Cove
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residents. These men are said to have conducted “fraudulent practices” that
“almost jeopardized the new project” (Young, n.d.).
4.2.1 Subdivision History
According to the minutes of the Riverside County Planning Commission,
Subdivision Committee, and Water Committee, the entire process of
submitting and obtaining approvals on all of the units of the Santa Carmelita
de Vale subdivision (the formal name of the Cove development) spanned June
16, 1933 to January 25, 1937, a period of three and one-half years. The
subdivision was designed in units, each unit having its own tentative map and
final map. Each of these maps were submitted, presented, and considered
separately. There were a total of 18 units to the subdivision. The applicant
was the Palm Springs Land & Irrigation Company. Throughout the approval
process for the Santa Carmelita de Vale project, various units would be
presented to the Commission by Mr. Harry Kiener - developer, Mr. John M.
Franklin – project promoter, Mr. W. G. Stowell – sales manager, Mr. Hicks –
project engineer, or the Security Title Insurance and Guarantee Company.
The usual procedure was for the applicant or developer to attend a Planning
Commission meeting held in Riverside and present the tentative map to the
Commissioners. The Commissioners would discuss the map and either
approve it, deny it, or refer the map to the Subdivision and/or Water
Committees, often with power to act. It usually took from one to three
meetings to obtain approval for a tentative map. A final map would receive a
recommendation of approval to the Board of Supervisors. There was no
Planning Department to review applications and no environmental review,
such as there is today.
The Planning Commission had frequent concerns about the water supply and
distribution system, utilities, sanitary conditions, roadways, and storm water
drainage. There were several field inspections by an appointed Commissioner
or an appointed committee to visit the project site and ensure that various
improvements had been completed or to ascertain their status. The minutes
seem to indicate that there was difficulty in getting the developer to comply
with all of the requirements of the County’s Subdivision Ordinance. At one
point during the January 31, 1934 Planning Commission meeting, a Mr.
Leaving appeared with the complaint that the developer had placed a road
crossing his property north of the project boundary. The Commission told Mr.
Leaving that it was a private matter with the Palm Springs Land & Irrigation
Company, and took no action on this complaint.
Several of the unit maps were approved with conditions such as the
requirement to have domestic water piped to the front of each lot, to
construct storm water drains and dikes, that roadways not less than 30 feet
53
wide on the west section line were to be designated, that redwood stakes
were to replace the pine wood lot stakes. Bonds placed on the unit maps
ranged from $100 for property taxes, $1,000 to grade streets, stake lots,
pipe water, and other improvements, and $10,000 to build a stormwater
drainage system.
In 1934, a Master Plan was required to be created that would show all the
units in the subdivision, the water well, a reservoir, and other features. Well
No. 2 was required to be drilled in 1934. It was to be 505 feet deep with
12” double casings at 10 gauge, that would produce 100 miners inches or
greater of water.
The construction of homes in the Cove occurred in a random, scattered
manner, primarily because the project was a lot sales program. People who
bought property in hopes of a bonanza gradually sold out to those who
wanted to build homes and settle down in the quiet, isolated cove (Cooper,
n.d.).
A listing from the Riverside County Assessor’s Office including the year a
house or structure was built between the year 1935 and 1949 was obtained.
This list indicates that there were 95 houses constructed in the Cove
subdivision during that time period.
Of the four houses built in 1935, one was a two bedroom/one bath, one a
three bedroom/one bath, one a three bedroom/two bath, and one a four
bedroom/three bath. All were single story.
In 1936, there were 17 houses built. Of these houses, three were two
bedroom/one bath, two houses were two bedroom/two bath, three were
three bedroom/one bath and nine were three bedroom/two bath. All of these
houses were single story (Riverside County Building Permits). Each house
had a small patio in front (Cooper, n.d.). Two principal floor plan designs
were identified: the “L” type and the “I” type of house (Mellon and
Associates 1997).
These small Spanish style cottages or casitas built in the subdivision were
designed to match the design of the original La Quinta Hotel. The paint,
stucco, roof tiles and decorative ceramic tile were like the material used in
Mexico (Hirsch 1994:8). Joe Valenzuela Roofing Company, which made the
tiles and bricks for the La Quinta Hotel, also made roof tiles for the casitas
(Hirsch 1994:8; Valenzuela, Personal Communication). It took three days to
make the tiles and bricks for each house.
There is no one architectural style in the existing commercial buildings in the
Village. La Quinta, however, has very definitely adopted a Mediterranean
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period characterized by several prominent styles including Mission Revival,
Spanish Revival, and Monterey. The Mission Revival style is defined by hand-
toweled smooth finished stucco walls, arches, arcades, courtyards, tile roofs,
and recessed windows and doors with rough-hewn wood. Spanish Revival
reflects European origins including Moorish, Gothic, and Renaissance
influences. This style features smooth-finish stucco walls, verandas,
balconies, tile roofs, decorative wrought iron window grilles and railings,
elaborate door and window moldings, and carved pilasters at the entry. This
influence dates back to the architectural style of the La Quinta Hotel, with its
tile roofs and white adobe walls. Over the years, different styles were used.
A few examples of other architectural styles were constructeded in the Cove,
such as the original Desert Club building, which was remarkably ship-like in
appearance, and the Rothchild House, which is an International architectural
style. The Hunt Date Garden Adobe (now demolished) was Vernacular
Adobe, and the Pederson house was Vernacular Rancho House style.
There were a few homes built on the La Quinta Hotel grounds. One is a
house built in the 1930’s on Avenida Obregon, in back of the hotel, known as
La Casa (Rice 1991). It is now used as part of the hotel operations.
The Walter Kirshner Estate, located on Obregon, was built in the late 1940’s.
This house is now the La Quinta Tennis Clubhouse. Mr. Kirshner was the
owner of Grayson Stores. Next to the Kirshner Estate is the El Regalo
Residence, said to once be owned by Walter Morgan. The house (commonly
known as the Morgan House) was built sometime in the late 1930’s to
1940’s (Rice: 1991). It still exists, but at this time is not used due to
structural concerns. At this time, there are supposedly plans to restore and
retrofit it against earthquake damage for use as part of the hotel.
On Avenida Fernando across from the hotel is the George E. Allen Residence.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower often visited the Allens. An interior
photograph of the living room is found in a newspaper article in the Daily
News, dated February 10, 1960. The house was referred to as the “Desert
White House.” It is a one-story Mediterranean style home with clay tile roof,
stucco exterior finish, and columns in front. This home is privately owned.
4.2.2 Infrastructure
Circulation
Although automobiles were widely used in the 1930’s, some of the streets
were designed to be picturesque rather than functional. There are curving,
narrow residential lanes such as Calle Barcelona, Calle Cadiz, and Avenida
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Buena Ventura east of the downtown village area. In contrast, Calle Estado
and Avenida La Fonda in the village are wide and spacious roadways.
The configuration of the Village Park, a flattened hexagon west of the village
in the Cove area, results in two confusing five-way intersections at
Eisenhower Drive and at Avenida Navarro. This park is owned and operated
by the Coachella Valley Recreation and Park District. The main cove area
south of the Village is regimental with its gridiron street pattern. The north-
south street names are prefaced with “Avenida” and the east-west streets
“Calle.”
Water
Water service during the early years was provided by four water companies
prior to inclusion with the Coachella Valley Water District. The original water
system was designed for a winter resort of part-time residents and installed in
the 1930’s. The original well was shallow and the water mains were two-
inch and smaller steel pipes. In the Village area there is a mixture of water
pipe sizes from two inch to eight inches. The original pipes are bare steel
that were Navy surplus from World War I. Sixty-five percent of the pipelines
are under six inches in size. There were 41 miles of this pipe originally
installed (Stan Sniff: Personal Communication: 1996). Most mains are two
inch unlined cast iron pipes. Since the early 1960’s, the water system has
had periodic upgrades and repairs. The original system could not adequately
provide for the existing and continual residential growth in the Cove.
The La Quinta Cove was originally subdivided in the early 1930’s by two
development companies. Both companies constructed water facilities to
serve their areas at that time. The operation and maintenance of those
systems was performed by two mutual water companies, Santa Carmelita
Mutual Water Company (SCMWC) and Desert Club Mutual Water Company,
Inc. (DCMWC). The SCMWC territory consisted of the Cove subdivision.
Four water wells were drilled by 1936. They are relatively shallow, the
deepest being 500 feet, with the others less than 380 feet deep. Well No. 1
is located near Calle Ensenada and Avenida Alvarado. It is 215 feet deep.
Well No. 2 is located near Calle Hidalgo and Avenida Velasco and is 510 feet
deep. Well No. 3 is near Calle Ensenada and Avenida Velasco.
Storage for the water system was provided by two stone and mortar
reservoirs, each with a 170,000-gallon capacity. They were located in the
foothills to the west and south of the Cove, at elevations of 200 and 400
feet above sea level. These reservoirs were constructed in the 1930’s, and
feature wood roofs, with open-air ventilation just below the roofs (Coachella
Valley Water District: 1996).
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Sewage disposal in the Cove was exclusively by individual septic tank and
leach pit until about 1990 when the City began installing sewer
improvements. Sewer system improvements, installed as part of an
assessment district, now exist throughout the Cove.
The La Quinta Water Company was created to service the 1,000-acre
holdings of the La Quinta Hotel. As of June 1977, this water company had a
total of 400 hookups consisting mainly of the Hotel and some surrounding
residences. Leonard Ettleson, developer of the La Quinta Country Club was
the sole owner of the water company since it was established in 1958.
In the early 1970’s DCMWC merged with SCMWC and interconnected their
systems. This merger was prompted by serious deterioration of the DCMWC
system. After continual deterioration and concerns about operation and
maintenance, the merged water company sold the system to the Southern
California Water Company (SCWC) in 1978. Today, the Coachella Valley
Water District provides all water in the Cove as well as throughout the City.
Drainage
The Village area was historically the location of a dry lake where water would
collect following a major storm. This lake was known as Marshall’s Lake or
Green/Marshall Lake. This dry lake is depicted on the 1944 USGS
topographic map of the area. The original developers in the early 1930’s tried
to raise the lakebed to mitigate flood hazards so that they could receive
approval on a tentative unit map within the dry lakebed. They were not
successful initially in obtaining approval from the County for a subdivision.
However, after grading the lakebed area and creating drainage culverts, the
developer was able to persuade the County to grant development approvals.
Electricity
Electricity was first brought to the Cove in 1932 (Desert Sun, Jan. 30,
1991). Today, west of Washington Street it is provided by Southern
California Edison with the area east of Washington Street provided by
Imperial Irrigation District.
4.2.3 Social Factors
The development of residential and resort clubs was popular during the
1930’s with the wealthy socialites. There are other examples of membership
development projects found along the coastal communities of Southern
California. The La Quinta project was envisioned to be a colony of home
sites and club life that would rank as one of the finest in Southern California.
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4.3 VILLAGE COMMERCIAL
The area now designated as the Village was originally envisioned as the
commercial district to service the residents of the subdivision. Commercial
uses fronted on the Park, and along Avenida La Fonda and Calle Estado. The
first businesses were the real estate office for the development, a small
market, and the lumberyard. The pattern in the Village is an unusual one with
angled street segments surrounding a six-sided park. Originally, a road
bisected the park. This unusual pattern breaks up the regularity of the
gridiron pattern of the residential streets.
For years, only one small market owned by a Rosa and Tom furnished
emergency supplies like milk, bread, cold cuts, soft drinks, and beer (Cooper
n.d.). It is thought that the market was located on Calle Estado, where the El
Ranchito Mexican Restaurant is now located.
The lots in the Village commercial area range in size from 2,500 square feet
to 22 acres. Along Calle Estado, planned as a commercial street, the typical
lot is 50 feet x 100 feet. Avenida La Fonda, another commercial street, is
lined with narrow 25 feet x 100 foot lots. The lots along Avenida
Montezuma, surrounding the park, are typically 50 feet x 100 feet.
The architectural style of the first few commercial buildings that were
constructed in the Village is of the Spanish Colonial Revival style, echoing the
standard established by the design of the La Quinta Hotel. The original
commercial buildings built in the Village have potential for local significance
as the first commercial structures constructed as part of a planned
development, and for their period architectural styles.
4.3.1 Development
The development of the village commercial district is interconnected with the
planned development of the cove as envisioned by the original developer,
Harry Kiener. The seasonal club type of development was popular in the
1930’s; however, trying to develop a relatively large-scale project in the
desert with water problems proved difficult for Kiener; so difficult that Kiener
and those who came after him could not finish the project. Economic
hardship, lack of available water, illness, and death prevented the first
planned development in La Quinta from being fully realized.
The offices for the development company were located on the ground floor of
the two-story structure located on the south side of the park at 77-895
Avenida Montezuma. The building also had a residence upstairs. A
lumberyard was located at the rear of this building. The building is thought to
have been constructed in 1940 (La Quinta General Plan 1992:4-2).
58
The project real estate office was housed in the hexagonal building located to
the west of the lumberyard, at 77-855 Avenida Montezuma. This building
now houses the La Quinta Historical Society Museum owned by the City. It
was built in 1936 (La Quinta General Plan 1992:4-2).
4.3.2. Economic Factors
The 1930’s planned resort-club development of the Cove is a story of failure,
a dream that never was brought to fruition. Failure caused by national
economic factors brought on by World War II trickled down to the local
project level. After the second war, La Quinta became a sleepy hollow type
of community. There was very little residential development and almost no
commercial development until the early 1980’s, when the Cove subdivision
became one of the most popular areas to build affordable housing. This was
primarily because the lots were so inexpensive compared to other areas in the
Coachella Valley. In the 1970’s a 50 foot x 100 foot lot could be purchased
for about $4,000.
4.4 DESERT CLUB
The Desert Club was constructed in 1937 on the northwest corner of Avenue
50 and Avenida Bermudas (La Quinta General Plan 1992:4-2). It was
designed as a private club and used as a promotional incentive to a lot sales
project within a seasonal, reciprocal resort structure. Reciprocal clubs were a
popular development type in the 1930’s.
The developers of the Cove subdivision began a vigorous campaign of selling
property. Initially, each person who bought a lot in the development was
given membership in the Club for $10.00 a year (Cooper n.d.).
4.4.1 Architect and Architecture
The Desert Club was designed by noted architect, S. Charles Lee. It was a
striking example of California modern architecture. The building is described
as having been “low, gleaming white and tree encircled,” …”a ship of the
desert” (La Quinta Historical Society 1995:17). The club featured a nautical
flavor. Architect Lee is known best for the many theaters he designed in the
Los Angeles area. The book, “The Show Begins on the Sidewalk,” discusses
Lee’s work in that area (Los Angeles Conservancy).
4.4.2 Construction
Guy Maltby, under the name of the La Quinta Milling & Lumber Company,
initiated and progressed with the construction of the first bungalows in the
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Cove subdivision. During the years of development, prior to the start of
World War II, six bungalows (called “casitas”) were constructed, as well as
the Desert Club (Hirsch 1994).
The workload was getting to be too much for Mr. Maltby, so in 1941 he sold
the La Quinta Milling & Lumber Company to Mr. Miles Reed Scott who
worked for Mr. Maltby. In September of 1941, Mr. Maltby paid a visit to
check on Mr. Scott’s progress and found him in trouble, business and health-
wise. Mr. Maltby stayed in La Quinta for a couple of weeks to help out and
returned home to Big Bear, only to die the next day, October 4, 1941, of a
heart attack. The La Quinta project was closed and the property sold, during
the settling of the estate (Spence n.d.).
The months just preceding World War II brought an abrupt end to the
development of the subdivision. The sudden scarcity of building materials
drove the cost of building the casitas continually higher to a point where
delays and cost overruns panicked homebuyers. Contracts to build homes
were broken and lot sales plummeted.
During the excavation for the Desert Club swimming pool, the tops of an
orchard were exposed. The orchard had been covered over by silt deposited
by severe flooding activity during earlier years. This discovery proved an
added expense in the struggle to complete the Desert Club (Hirsch 1994:10-
11). The Desert Club was integral to the sales promotion and incentives of
the Cove’s lot sales program.
4.4.3 Owners
Harry Kiener was the first owner of the Desert Club, having built the club
using the same principle as the Peter Pan Woodland Club in Big Bear City.
Guy Maltby’s daughter, Gretchen Maltby Spence, described the Desert Club
as “a breathtaking place, with its pool-bar-dining room and green lawns.”
The Club attracted many people to the area.
Frank Stone owned the Club at one time shortly after its construction (Rice
1991). Mr. Stone and his salesmen fraudulently told prospective lot buyers
that the lots had to be sold or they would lose their water rights. They were
indicted, convicted and placed on probation for their deceitful actions. Frank
Stone later committed suicide in his Los Angeles office (Rice n.d.).
In 1972, the Desert Club was purchased by Fritz Burns, a builder-developer-
financier and owner of the Erawan Gardens Hotel in Indian Wells at that time.
Mr. Burns planned to build model homes west of the Desert Club. Mr. Burns
60
was a longtime friend and associate of Henry J. Kaiser of the steel, aluminum
and automobile industry.
Tom and Uta Thornburgh became the new owners of the Desert Club in July
of 1978. However, they lost control of the Club, but regained it in March of
1982 through a Court Order. Throughout the history of the Desert Club,
many managers attempted to keep the club open, but all failed. The site was
deeded over to the City of La Quinta to be used as a City park bearing Fritz
Burns name. By that time, the Club was in disrepair. The buildings were
destroyed during a controlled training fire for the Riverside County Fire
Department. The structures were loaded with asbestos and deemed not
feasible for rehabilitation. A video tape of the fire can be viewed at the La
Quinta Historical Museum.
4.4.4 Marketing
By February of 1947, the Desert Club was being promoted nationally in
Fortune Magazine. The earliest conceptual plan for the Club and grounds was
described in a marketing brochure published by the Palm Springs-La Quinta
Development Company, and which read…
“And now…the ultimate in Clubdom THE DESERT CLUB to be erected
at La Quinta, California, providing a wealth of pastimes and desert sports.
Superbly appointed in a housing ultra-modern, privately secluded in a
mountain-sheltered cove, an empire of natural beauty, yet but a few
minutes from business centers. Dedicated to luxurious recreation and
rest, devoted to the exclusive use of its members. Great tidings for every
member of THE PETER PAN WOODLAND CLUB! For arrangements have
been concluded marking all privileges of THE DESERT CLUB available to
Peter Pan members! The recreational facilities of THE DESERT CLUB are
scheduled to include a swimming pool, tennis and badminton courts,
archery range, riding stables and ring, modern equipment for sunbathing,
grand lounge, dining room, coffee shop, billiard and card rooms,
landscaped patios and terraces…all maintained at the same high standards
that distinguish PETER PAN WOODLAND CLUB. All of these facilities are
to be enjoyed under the Pioneer Memberships, which can be acquired only
by active members of PETER PAN WOODLAND CLUB. Here are the
ultimate in reciprocal Club privileges the year round. Peter Pan throughout
the summer…THE DESERT CLUB throughout the winter; each club
complete and distinctive within itself…each the perfect complement to the
other” (La Quinta Historical Society 1995:23).
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4.5 Properties Within This Context:
The 1997 City-wide survey identified a number of resources that are
categorized under the Cove and Village Development Context. The Cove is
La Quinta’s first residential subdivision. The lots of the Santa Carmelita de
Vale subdivision were subdivided between 1933 and 1937. The development
of the La Quinta Hotel in 1926-27 and its immediate success set the stage
for the evolution of La Quinta from an agricultural community of homesteads
and ranches in the early 20th Century to a growing City in the 21st Century.
The Hotel, designed by distinguished architect, Gordon Kaufmann, in the
Spanish Colonial Revival style, became a popular destination. After the
Depression years the residential development potential of La Quinta was seen
by E. S. “Harry” Kiener who acquired the Cove lands between 1933 and
1937 and subdivided the whole area (Mellon and Associates 1997).
The houses were built in the Spanish Colonial Revival style popularized by the
La Quinta Hotel. The small Cove houses were similar in style and scale to the
casitas at the Hotel. Locally produced materials, such as the Joe Valenzuela
Roof Company tiles were used both at the Hotel and in the Cove reinforcing
design similarities. Housing construction began in 1935 and continued until
the beginning of World War II when scarcity of materials and rising costs
stopped all building efforts. Housing construction resumed after World War
II. Approximately 94 houses were constructed between 1935 and 1950.
The monumental growth of the Coachella Valley and La Quinta resulted in the
build out of the Cove over the second half of the 20th Century and into the
21st Century. The Cove was approximately two-thirds built out as of January
1997 (Mellon and Associates 1997; City of La Quinta 1997). As of August
2008, the Cove was approximately 90% developed primarily with residences.
While many of the buildings have experienced some modification over the
decades (additions, repairs, alterations) many of the buildings retain integrity
of form, design, and materials. Several older parcels include mature
vegetation including specimen plantings (Mellon and Associates 1997).
The original residences in the Cove are related by age and design and appear
possibly eligible for designation as a City of La Quinta Historic District. Cove
Historic District includes 57 of the original 94 houses built in the Cove
subdivision between 1935 and 1950. These houses share the Spanish
Colonial Revival Style, a choice derived from the La Quinta Hotel
development. The characteristics of these Cove houses echo the casitas of
the La Quinta Hotel. It was necessary to have an automobile to access this
desert area and the development of the houses acknowledges this with the
incorporation of garages into the design of the houses. Although the houses
now appear dispersed as a result of the degree of build-out of the subdivision,
they are related to each other by integrity of style and property type.
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5. RESULTS
The results of the research conducted for the Context Statement themes
included the discovery of previously unknown facts and accounts of
settlement in La Quinta, the development of significance criteria for each type
of resource identified in the City, and where further research is needed.
Information contained in this document was found in “bits and pieces” from a
great many sources. This document served as a guide for the preparation and
undertaking of the first comprehensive survey of historic resources in La
Quinta, conducted by Mellon and Associates, in 1996-97. The survey was
funded by a grant from the Certified Local Government Program, with in-kind
services provided by the City of La Quinta.
A second survey was completed in 2006 by CRM TECH to document
properties that have since become 50± years in age. This survey identified
approximately 183, primarily residential, properties in the city. These
structures were primarily constructed in the 1948 to 1961 time frame.
6. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
This Context Statement provides specific themes for which historic sites and
resources can be categorized as they are identified and documented.
Inventories of historic structures and archaeological sites will be useful for
development and planning purposes in addition to providing a descriptive
listing. La Quinta has developed from prehistoric Indian villages to
homesteading farms, to a resort residential community over that past several
hundred years. This history of La Quinta is the legacy of the present.
The future always means growth and change and it is inevitable that much of
the old will give way to the new. Careful planning, however, also insures
that significant pieces of the past are also preserved for the enhancement of
the future. This Context Statement, followed by surveys and inventories can
be used to provide a permanent record of those historic structures most of
which will inevitably disappear with the passage of time.
Modern communities have found that promotion and interpretation of the past
is not only of interest to residents, but it is good business. Information
contained in this document may also be used to develop bicycle or walking
tours or brochures on the area’s history.
Finally, the limitations of this study must be emphasized. This is not a
comprehensive study of the histories of individual buildings or a definitive title
search. It is inevitable that additional information will be found on many
properties and that new properties may be found that will contribute to the
history of La Quinta.
63
This document should serve as the initial step in an ongoing study of La
Quinta’s historic buildings and the people who used them. It could also serve
as the basis for individual or district listings in the National Register of
Historic Places or the California Register of Historic Resources.
7. REGISTRATION REQUIREMENTS
7.1 NATIONAL REGISTER OF HISTORIC PLACES
Currently, there are no properties in La Quinta that are listed on the National
Register. The original portions of the La Quinta Hotel, however, appear to be
eligible for listing.
7.1.1. Criteria for Evaluation
For a property to qualify for the National Register it must meet the National
Register Criteria.
The quality of significance in American history, architecture, archeology,
engineering, and culture is present in districts, sites, buildings, structures, and
objects that possess integrity of location, design, setting, materials,
workmanship, feeling, and association, and;
That are associated with events that have made a significant
contribution to the broad patterns of our history; or
That are associated with the lives of persons significant in our past; or
That embody the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or
method of construction, or that represent the work of a master, or that
possess high artistic values, or that represent a significant and
distinguishable entity
Whose components may lack individual distinction; or
That have yielded, or may be likely to yield, information important in
prehistory or history.
7.2 REQUIREMENTS FOR LOCAL LISTING
Title Seven of the La Quinta City Municipal Code implements the General Plan
historic resources policies to designate, preserve, protect, enhance and
perpetuate those historic structures, districts, and sites which contribute to
the cultural benefit of the City of La Quinta. To this end, a survey and
inventory of potential historic resources has been established and maintained
by the City and includes historic structures, objects, and sites that contribute
to the historic, cultural and architectural heritage of the City of La Quinta.
64
7.2.1 Criteria for Local Designation
Criteria for designation of a historic resource and listing on the City inventory
are as follows:
Structures, objects, sites, and districts may be designated as historic
resources if, and only if, they meet one or more of the following criteria and
have retained their architectural integrity and historic value:
The resource is associated with a person of local, state or national
historical significance.
The resource is associated with a historic event or thematic activity
of local, state or national importance.
The resource is representative of a distinct architectural style and/or
construction method of a particular historic period or way of life, or
the resource represents the work of a master builder or architect or
possesses high artistic value.
The resource has yielded, or may likely yield information important
to history or prehistory.
7.2.2 Procedures for Local Designation
Title 7 - Historic Preservation, of the La Quinta Municipal Code identifies the
procedures for designation of a historic resource and listing on the City
registry.
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8.0 REFERENCES CITED
Anonymous
1951 Palm Springs Yearbook 1951.
Barrows, David P.
1900 The Ethno-botany of the Cahuilla Indians of Southern
California. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (reprinted
in Banning, California: Malki Museum Press, 1971.)
Bean, Lowell John
1972 Mukat’s People: The Cahuilla Indians of Southern California.
Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Bean, Lowell John
1978 “Cahuilla.” In Handbook of North American Indians.
Robert F. Heizer, Volume Editor, Washington, DC:
Smithsonian Institution. Vol. 8 California.
Bean, Lowell John and Lisa Bourgeault
1989 Indians of North America: The Cahuilla.
New York: Chelsea House Publishers.
Bean, Lowell and Harry Lawton
1965 The Cahuilla Indians of Southern California.
Malki Museum Brochure No. 1. (fourth revised printing April
1987) Banning, California: Malki Museum Press.
Bean, Lowell John, Sylvia Brakke Vane, and Jackson Young
1991 The Cahuillla Landscape: The Santa Rosa and San Jacinto
Mountains. Ballena Press Anthropological Papers No. 37,
Menlo Park, California: Ballena Press.
Britton, Jeff
1996 “La Quinta’s Glitzy Glow Endures.” The Desert Sun, May 3.
B-1.
Bowers, Stephen
1888 A Remarkable Valley and an Interesting Tribe of Indians.
San Buena Ventura, California.
City of La Quinta
1988 The Village at La Quinta Specific Plan.
On file at the City.
66
City of La Quinta
1992 City of La Quinta General Plan – Master Environmental
Assessment. On file at the City.
City of La Quinta
1992 City of La Quinta General Plan
On file at the City.
Coachella Valley Submarine
1927 “La Quinta Building Fourteen Cottages.”
August 19.
Coachella Valley Water District
n.d. Santa Carmelita Water District file maps and documents.
Copies on file at the Planning Department, City of La Quinta.
Cooper, Madge E.
n.d. “La Quinta – The Gem of the Desert.” In Heritage Tales of
the Coachella Valley. pp. 40-41.
Daily News
1960 “Ike Found La Quinta Ideal Spot for Rest.”
February 10.
Daily News
1968 “Question: What does ‘La Quinta’ mean and where did the
name come from”?
Eargle, Dolan H., Jr.
1986 The Earth is Our Mother: A Guide to the Indians of California.
Their Locales and Historic Sites. San Francisco: Trees
Company Press.
Forbes, Jack
1982 Native Americans of California and Nevada.
Happy Camp, California: Naturegraph Publishers, Inc.
Gifford, E.W.
1971 “Miwok Lineages and the Political Unit in Aboriginal
California.” In The California Indians: A Source Book.
Compiled and Edited by R. F. Heizer and M. A. Whipple.
(second edition revised and enlarged). Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press. pp. 375-384.
67
Gunther, J.D.
1984 Riverside County, California, Place Names: Their Origin and
Their Stories.
Heizer, R. F. and A. E. Treganza
1971 “Mines and Quarries of the Indians of California.”
In The California Indians: A Source Book. Compiled and
Edited by R. F. Heizer and M. A. Whipple. (second edition
revised and enlarged). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press.
Herz, Peggy
1984 La Quinta Country Club: Silver Anniversary, 1959-1984.
La Quinta Country Club.
Hooper, Lucille
1920 “The Cahuilla Indians.”
University of California Publications in American Archaeology
and Ethnology 16 (6):316-380. Berkeley.
House, Ray
1997 Personal Communication.
International Festival of Dates Association
1921 Date Culture in Coachella Valley.
First Official Bulletin. Indio, California. October 21-23.
Jeffrey, Cheryl
1993 “From Kish to Condominium.” In American Desert.
February. pp. 20-23.
Johnston, Francis J.
1972 “Stagecoach Travel Through San Gorgonio Pass.” In Journal
of the West. Vol. XI, No. 4, October.
Kaldenberg, Russell L. and Richard Milanovich
1991 Foreward. In The Cahuilla Landscape: The Santa Rosa and
San Jacinto Mountains. Ballena Press Anthropological Papers
No. 37, By Lowell John Bean, Sylvia Brakke Vane, and
Jackson Young. Menlo Park, California: Ballena Press.
68
Kroeber, Alfred L.
1922 “Elements of Culture in Native California in Native California.”
University of California Publications in American Archaeology
and Ethnology 13(8):259-328. Berkeley.
La Quinta Historical Society
1996 Hacienda Del Gato: Lore and Legend.
La Quinta Historical Society
1995 Remembering the Desert Club.
La Quinta Historical Society
1990 The Historic of …La Quinta, ‘The Gem of the Desert.’
La Quinta Historical Society
n.d. La Quinta.
Los Angeles: Young and McCallister, Inc. Press (reprint).
La Quinta Historical Society
1943 Presenting La Quinta.
Palm Springs Land and Irrigation Company (reprint 1991).
Mellon and Associates
1996 Marshall Ranch: Historic Resource Evaluation.
Mellon and Associates
1997a City of La Quinta Historic Resources Survey.
Mellon and Associates
1997b La Quinta Hotel: Historic Resource Evaluation
Modesto, Ruby and Guy Mount
1980 Nor For Innocent Ears: Spiritual Traditions of a Desert Cahuilla
Medicine Woman. Arcata, California: Sweetlight Books.
Moore, Bob Manager, La Quinta Country Club
1996 Personal Communication. June 17.
Mouriquand, Leslie
1996 Archaeological Report for the Adams Street Extension
Project. On file at the City of La Quinta.
69
Mouriquand-Blodgett, Leslie
1991 Planning for Community Archaeology: Its Applications to the
Eastern Coachella Valley. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. On
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