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2008 05 15 HPCHistoric Preservation Commission Agendas are now available on the City's Web Page @ www.la-quinta.orq HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMISSION AG EN DA The Regular Meeting to be held in the Study Session Room at the La Quinta City Hall, 78-495 Calle Tampico, La Quinta, California MAY 15, 2008 3:00 P.M. Beginning Minute Motion 2008-002 CALL TO ORDER A. Pledge of Allegiance B. Roll Call II. PUBLIC COMMENT This is the time set aside for citizens to address the Historic Preservation Commission on matters relating to historic resources within the City of La Quinta which are not Agenda items. When addressing the Historic Preservation Commission, please state your name and address and when discussing matters pertaining to prehistoric sites, do not disclose the exact location of the site(s) for their protection. III. CONFIRMATION OF THE AGENDA IV. CONSENT CALENDAR: A. Approval of the Minutes for April 17, 2008. Historic Preservation Commission Agenda V. BUSINESS ITEMS: A. Archaeological Testing and Evaluation Report Of Site CA-RIV-8835 (33- 16950) Applicant: Sobel Enterprises (Brad Sobel) Consultant: Terra Nova Planning & Research Archaeological Consultant: CRM Tech (Michael Hogan, Principal) Location: Northeast Corner of Highway 111 and Dune Palms Road. B. City Historic Context Statement Review Applicant: City of La Quinta Consultant: City Staff Location: City-wide VI. CORRESPONDENCE AND WRITTEN MATERIAL: VII. COMMISSIONER ITEMS: A. Discussion regarding Commission summer meeting schedule. Vill. ADJOURNMENT DECLARATION OF POSTING I, Carolyn Walker, Executive Secretary of the City of La Quinta, do hereby declare that the foregoing agenda for the La Quinta Historic Preservation Commission meeting of Thursday, May 15, 2008, was posted on the outside entry to the Council Chamber, 78-495 Calle Tampico, and the bulletin board at the La Quinta Cove Post Office, on Friday, May 9, 2008. DATED: May 9, 2008 7U4� CAROL N WALKER, Executive Secretary City of La Quinta, California PAReports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\AGENDA.doc MINUTES HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMISSION MEETING A Regular meeting held in the Study Session Room at the La Quinta City Hall 78-495 Calle Tampico, La Quinta, CA April 17, 2008 This meeting of the Historic Preservation Commission was called to order by Chairman Wilbur at 3:01 p.m. who asked for the roll call. I. CALL TO ORDER A. Roll Call. Present: Commissioners Puente, Redmon, Sharp, Wright, and Chairman Wilbur Absent: None Staff Present: Planning Director Les Johnson, Principal Planner Stan Sawa, Principal Planner Andrew Mogensen, Consulting Planner Nicole Criste (Terra Nova Planning), Executive Secretary Carolyn Walker, and Secretary Monika Radeva. II. PUBLIC COMMENT: None III. CONFIRMATION OF THE AGENDA: Confirmed IV. CONSENT CALENDAR: A. It was moved and seconded by Commissioners Puente/Redmon to approve the minutes of March 20, 2008, as submitted. Unanimously approved. V. BUSINESS ITEMS: A. Cultural Resources Phase I Survey for a 4.84 Acre Parcel Applicant: David Maman Designs Consultant: Terra Nova Planning & Research PAReports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 Archaeological Consultant: Location Archaeological Associates (Robert S. White, at all for Eilar Associates South side of Avenue 58, west of Monroe Street Principal Planner Andrew Mogensen presented the information contained in the staff report, a copy of which is on file in the Planning Department. Applicant David Maman and Archeologist Robert White were introduced. Commissioner Wright noted that Commissioner Redmon was not a member of the Historic Preservation Commission when this project was previously reviewed. He continued to say his position remained the same as it was when this first came to the Commission in 2006. It would be wonderful to be able to preserve it, however, it would be cost -prohibitive for the applicant. He pointed out this is a small project and conservation of the building would have been more appropriate if it was a project on a large area of land. He suggested a detailed photographic record of the building would be the most logical and practical decision. Commissioner Redmon said she had a different approach to this situation since she was not involved in the project previously. She acknowledged the financial lack of viability for preservation of a building in the middle of such a small project. However, it was her responsibility to make sure structures of important historic significance are properly taken care of. She stated, based on the report, the building had some examples of uniqueness, individuality, and significance from an architectural and historical stand point and said there should be a way to physically preserve them, while allowing this development to go forward. She pointed out it would be unreasonable to place the burden of restoration on the developer due to the deterioration and alteration of the structure which detracted from its historic significance. She questioned the validity of the argument that there is no sense in keeping the building because it is an adobe since adobe buildings deteriorate over time. Using that reasoning, nothing adobe would ever be preserved or restored. Commissioner Redmon asked if there was a way to ask for City Council funding for a combination photographic/preservation record of certain specific elements, such as the inverted lintels, poured adobe, and the cobblestone fireplace, and to extract certain archaeologically significant items. She suggested the possibility of moving the wall P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 2 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 with the lintel and the cobblestone fireplace to a different location where they could be preserved and remain accessible to the public. Preservation of the building within the development would not allow public access while relocation would preserve those elements and allow the applicant to develop the site. Commissioner Sharp asked where the photographic records of the building would be stored. Principal Planner Mogensen responded the records would be kept at the City Museum. Commissioner Sharp elaborated on Commissioner Redmon's suggestion to move some of the historically significant features from the property to a different location. He said it could be very difficult to move the cobblestone fireplace from its current location. Relocation could cause severe structural damage and reconstruction would be very costly. Commissioner Sharp noted the lintels while architecturally unique, could easily be duplicated. He also added that lintels are a common feature in many other houses in the valley and a photographic record would be sufficient. Archaeologist David White stated the fact the house was constructed from adobe was significant as adobe houses tend to "melt" over time and did not weather well during earthquakes. The uniqueness of the building was established primarily on its construction. After closer inspection, a few little nuances were identified, such as the inverted lintels (a signature of the architect or the builder.) Mr. White stated he was not sure if the lintel was adobe brick skin and mortar or a wooden beam. The building was occupied during their inspection and they would have had to hammer on the building and possibly cause damage to investigate any further. If the lintel were to be a wooden one, it could easily be extracted and preserved during demolition. Mr. White pointed out that no structural steel was used in building and the cobblestone fireplace is extremely heavy. If money were no object, a very large crane could be used, however, the cost would be prohibitive. In addition, the structure is very brittle and could easily break apart. Mr. White also stated the building layout was very traditional (L- shaped) and there were contemporary additions made. Mr. White added that an interesting link with history is that the person who commissioned the building was a very early sub -divider and speculator who was building houses on little ranchos. This was an indication of an early attempt to create little get -away ranchos for people from the Los Angeles area. P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 3 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 Commissioner Sharp asked about this structure being unique as an adobe house versus an adobe brick house. Mr. White mentioned the Chapin Adobe he had worked on in 1989 in Indian Wells had been built out of adobe bricks. The bricks had been made by pouring mud into wooden plank forms. The adobe in question was a lot different from the typical adobe found in other parts of California since it was made of very fine grain clay as opposed to a clay mix with grass and straw. Commissioner Sharp asked Mr. White if one was better than the other. Mr. White responded, in either instance, the mixture made for a very brittle brick and it was simply what they had to work with. Mr. White added that he thought the building was poured to a point, due to the fact that no joints were found. There was the possibility that the joints were there, but had melted perhaps during construction when it was skinned with mortar. Ultimately, the only way to be able to tell for sure would be, during demolition or to open up a section of the wall. He believed it was poured since it was constructed in the 1920s as there were a lot of houses with concrete slabs. This builder had a firm understanding of modern construction techniques, but had limited resources. Commissioner Sharp asked about the architect who would be in charge of the property documentation. Mr. White responded the architectural historian would be David Van Horn, who has extensive experience in this area. Mr. White explained that with any historic building project there are two elements of importance: 1) when it was built and 2) who the architect was. In this case, he was unable to find out what year it was built. Commissioner Sharp asked if the architect of this adobe had any reputation. Mr. White responded it was not the work of an architectural master since there would have been a lot more ornate architectural features incorporated into it. The single story structure was built pre - depression with a traditional L-shape layout and had elements of a traditional California -type rancho with the builder's own little twist. P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 4 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 Commissioner Puente pointed out the report was put together well, however, the same issues still existed as in June of 2006. She expressed her hope that more options would have been presented, but there had not been any. She stated she reviewed the report and understood both the concerns of the developer and the Commission. She mentioned her strong background in Art History and her European Roots, which strongly influenced her opinion of preserving the adobe at hand. She pointed out there were many characteristics of this building which had been identified as unique and historically significant to the point that it would be eligible for the California registry as a historic monument. She said an attempt to save the building, as it is, should be made as she considered it to be very significant for the Coachella Valley. At the very least as Commissioner Redmon suggested, an attempt should be made to save certain features. Commissioner Puente would like the City Council to intervene and take some action in the preservation of the adobe. She said she did not feel comfortable with approving the demolition and wanted to explore further preservation options. Chairman Wilbur stated the responsibility of the Historic Preservation Commission remains the same as it did during the previous meeting in 2006. He said there are other options that could have been explored to preserve the building. Many times, in the past, buildings with similar structure, age, and range had been lost, which should have been preserved. He would favor the preservation of the building or certain elements as suggested by Commissioner Redmon. He acknowledged the financial constraints involved in such an attempt, as well as the financial hardship the applicant has suffered due to previous delays However, he pointed out it was the duty of the Historic Preservation Commission to ensure preservation of historically significant elements. He understood a complete photographic record would be made, but wanted to exhaust all other possibilities for preservation. He wanted a careful evaluation of the actual value of the structure as a genuine article and its indigenous character to the Valley. He would like to look for a way to preserve some elements of it without losing the historic context which would happen with photographs. His position remained the same as before, which was against demolition of the building. He realized the importance of this issue to the applicant, but asked the applicant to understand the importance of the preservation of the building Commissioner Wright said that there were a few things that needed to be looked at. He agreed important structures had been lost in the past, however, they brought the City's attention to such actions and now the Commission is notified prior to issuance of any demolition permit. P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 5 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 Commissioner Wright pointed out the Commissioners should look at the property in question, and that it would be worthless as a developable land if the building, which is right in the middle of the site, was preserved. He noted that the applicant had stated previously he had no idea of the possible historic significance of the building when he purchased the site. If he had known, he would not have purchased the land for development. Commissioner Wright continued to say Commissioner Redmon lives in an adobe built in 1938, in the La Quinta Cove. There are about 30 of them left in the La Quinta Cove. However, the Historic Preservation Commission has no authority over any of them and any of those adobes could be demolished by the owners if they wanted to build something else. The only authority the Commissioners had was to try to persuade the owners to maintain the historical integrity of the structure. The Archaeologist has already stated this adobe is impossible to move and is already melting down. It is right in the middle of the parcel, which makes the land undevelopable if the adobe has to be preserved. In addition, even if the building was preserved, it would not be accessible to the general public as it would be in a gated community. He referenced the situations at the Point Happy and Tradition developments stating they were of much larger size. Commissioner Wright stated that the Commission has the duty to preserve the historic context and historic viability of the City, but should keep in mind all of the adobe structures in the La Quinta Cove which could be demolished tomorrow without the Commission's approval. It would not be fair to put such a burden on the applicant, the Cove residents are aware of their structures' significance, but they could alter these structures without any problem. This creates a double standard and he encouraged the Commissioners to carefully re- think it. He added nothing would ever be done with the property because it would not be financially viable for anyone to spend $800,000 to $1,000,000 dollars to retrofit and clean up the property. Commissioner Wright stated he has looked at the property and does not see any historical value with the exception of some interior features. He emphasized the Commission should be responsible from the standpoint of both historic preservation and development. The economics of this situation should be taken into consideration when making a decision. Commissioner Redmon said she would like to refer back to her original suggestion, however, if the cobblestone fireplace or the lintel were not unique features and physically impossible to move, then she agreed P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 6 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 there was no financial viability in preservation. But she would like to make sure the lintel is preserved. Mr. White replied such a determination, as to whether or not the feature could be relocated without damage was outside of his expertise, but his gut feeling was it would fall apart. Commissioner Redmon asked if there was a way to include relocation as a permit condition if it is viable. If it was found to be impractical it would be dismissed. Commissioner Wright asked if the Commissioners had been out to the site to look at the building. Commissioner Redmon replied she had not. Commissioner Wright suggested it would be a good idea to visit the site. He pointed out the photographic record put together for historical documentation would be very extensive and detailed with site surveys, archaeological research, etc. He suggested a possible recording of it could be made on DVD. Commissioner Wright said he would hate to see the building go, but it was not viable to save it. In addition, the building had been altered. The building would disintegrate if not retrofitted, and it might still disintegrate even if it was retrofitted. He referenced similar buildings in the city. He pointed out preservation of this building was not economically viable for the developer or the citizens of La Quinta. Commissioner Redmon asked for clarification on all or nothing preservation. Commissioner Wright responded all or nothing because of the size of the project. Commissioner Redmon said she understood that, but wanted to have the lintel saved if possible. Mr. White said his team could try it, but didn't know if it was possible. Commissioner Sharp stated in his past profession, the lintel and cobblestone fireplace could be re-created out of fiberglass. A replica would be indestructible and light and could be painted to look exactly like the original. Planning Director Les Johnson pointed out there was a supplemental report completed which identified "the softness of the adobe matrix P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 7 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 from which the bricks were fashioned appears to have melted together thus eliminating the tell -tale joints between many of the bricks." Mr. White stated his research team had been oscillating on this and thought it was important to include this in the report since poured adobe was rare. Planning Director Johnson said he wanted to make reference to that, for the record, since there was discussion about it. He added regarding the reverse lintels, the report states "upon further examination it appears that these splayed bevels may merely represent a construction technique adapted to working with adobe." He said the original study identified there may be significance to these features as something special and unique, but the subsequent report states it is only the fact that it is an adobe. Commissioner Redmon responded that was just semantics. The supplemental report states, regarding the lintels, that "...may merely represent..." Simply because there were two different reports without a definitive conclusion and the architect could not be found, at the moment, she would not like to find out later it was, in fact, significant. Therefore, if the developer was in the process of demolition and it was determined there was no way to remove and preserve it for no more than $1 O,OOO, then it wouldn't be preserved. Commissioner Redmon said there were many things identified as special to this particular house and she was reluctant to go forward with the demolition if preservation of some unique elements was economically viable. Planning Director Johnson stated if the Commission recommended this building was not of significance to retain, it would still be considered and ultimately decided upon by City Council. He suggested and gave an alternative example of the decorative wall along Avenue 58, west of Madison. This concept could probably be adopted by the developer and something similar could be done with inserts in the wall of the development which mimicked features of the home that have been discussed today. He said something could be placed at the entrance of the development explaining the characteristics of the wall. Commissioner Wright said that approach was supposed to be used with the Point Happy gates, but they were never incorporated and the gates were most likely thrown away. P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 8 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 Commissioner Wright said if something of this nature was imposed on the developer, who would know of it except for the Commission. He emphasized again it. was going to be a gated community and any preservation efforts would not be available for public view. Planning Director Johnson pointed out some elements could be incorporated into the exterior wall, which added to the character of the project and the history behind it. Commissioner Puente asked if the style of the development had been determined as Tuscan. Applicant's representative, Mr. Ofer Dayan replied the style had not yet been determined. Consulting Planner Nicole Criste, Terra Nova Planning, clarified the style was discussed during the first project meeting. Mr. Maman said he checked the City's History Survey after the last meeting and it did not include his property. Commissioner Wright commented on the fact the survey was informational and most people don't know it exists. He reiterated his comments on Cove homes and the double standard. He encouraged the Commissioners to visit the site. Mr. Dayan stated the property had burned a few times and was rebuilt with additions. Mr. White touched upon the reuse of some of the project elements. He said he agreed with Commissioner Wright that it could be very problematic. However, Mr. White mentioned former projects where the re -use of some of the materials was successful. Mr. White suggested the utilization of some architectural features could be done through construction of a monument or decorative walls at the entrance. He said the lumber from the window and lintel might be salvageable, but taking it out as an intact section of the wall did not seem quite possible. Mr. Ofer Dayan mentioned that in the last meeting the City had offered to move the house for free. Mr. Maman stated he would love to be able to preserve the building, but it was not feasible. He asked the Commission to please let him demolish it so that he could continue with his development plans. Mr. Maman said he was willing to attempt the preservation of certain historically significant elements if possible, based on the advice of his consultant, David White; to recreate the elements as suggested earlier. P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 9 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 Mr. Maman said he would be willing to have an expert on -site during the demolition process to advise him on what elements could be saved. Commissioner Sharp said there should also be a designer on —site, in addition to the expert, who would know what to do with the architectural components that were removed. Chairman Wilbur thanked Mr. Maman for his willingness to cooperate. He asked staff if an addendum could be added. Consulting Planner, Nicole Criste said a condition of approval could be added requiring supervision of the demolition and preservation of elements. She gave the example of the cobblestones being used in the posts at the entrance holding the gate, and other elements preserved in other components of the construction. Mr. White pointed out this approach to the demolition process would be more costly. Commissioner Wright said the house would have to be dismantled by hand and be treated as an archaeological part of the project. This type of demolition is very costly. Commissioner Wilbur asked if anyone else had a comment on this suggestion. Commissioner Redmon clarified the type of preservation she was favoring was not preserving the materials of the historically significant elements, but rather the elements as they were. However, if in the interim the architect of the building was discovered and it turned out the only reason for the use of the cobblestone was because there wasn't enough wood, then that would be an indication the fireplace did not have any value. Commissioner Wright said the suggested idea of preserving the materials of the elements was wonderful, however, he would not vote to add that to the recommendations. It would impose an economic hardship on the applicant without valuable merit. There being no further comments it was moved and seconded by Commissioners Wright/Sharp to approve Minute Motion 2008-001 accepting the Cultural Resources Phase I Survey as recommended by staff. P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 10 Historic Preservation Commission April 17, 2008 ROLL CALL: AYES: Commissioners Redmon, Sharp, and Wright. NOES: Commissioner Puente and Chairman Wilbur. ABSENT: None. ABSTAIN: None. VI. CORRESPONDENCE AND WRITTEN MATERIAL: None VII. COMMISSIONER ITEMS: Chairman Wilbur asked Staff about the travel arrangements for the upcoming California Historic Preservation Conference. Executive Secretary Carolyn Walker provided the Commissioners with packets containing information on their travel arrangements. Planning Director Les Johnson suggested the Commissioners and Principal Planner Stan Sawa meet one night of the Conference for dinner in order to discuss the different events and workshops. Commissioner Wright stated that the Commissioners have done that in past conferences. Commissioner Wright commented on the excellent job staff has done in putting together the arrangements for the conference. VIII. ADJOURNMENT There being no further business, it was moved and seconded by Commissioners Wright/Sharp to adjourn this Meeting of the Historic Preservation Commission to the next Regular Meeting to be held on May 15, 2008. This meeting of the Historic Preservation Commission was adjourned at 4:23 p.m. Unanimously approved. Submitted by: Monika Radeva Secretary P:\Reports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\HPC Minutes 4-17-08_Draft.doc 11 BI #A DATE: ITEM: LOCATION: APPLICANT: ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONSULTANT: BACKGROUND: HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMISSION STAFF REPORT MAY 15, 2008 ARCHAEOLOGICAL TESTING AND EVALUATION REPORT OF SITE CA-RIV-8835 (33-16950) NORTHEAST CORNER OF HIGHWAY 111 AND DUNE PALMS ROAD SOBEL ENTERPRISES (BRAD SOBEL) CRM TECH (MICHAEL HOGAN, PRINCIPAL) The study area is approximately 9.4+acres in size and located at the northeast corner of Highway 111 and Dune Palms Road. A Phase I (survey level) Cultural Resources Assessment was completed for the property by CRM TECH. As a result of the assessment, an archaeological site was discovered on the subject property. This report is the results of the Phase II testing and evaluation of the identified archaeological site. This property is proposed for a commercial shopping center. This Assessment will be part of the environmental review required by the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) for the project application. DISCUSSION: The archaeological site (Site CA-RIV-8835) found on the property was identified as a result of a Phase I historical/archaeological survey completed by CRM TECH in February and March 2008. A Phase II testing and evaluation program was immediately begun to determine its potential for containing intact subsurface artifact deposits and features. The Phase I completed by CRM TECH determined the site was prehistoric in nature, consisting of artifacts including a scatter of daub (clay), some of which had been burned, ceramic sherds, and fire -affected rock. In the past, numerous archaeological sites have been identified in the immediate vicinity, attesting to the importance of the Whitewater River Delta/Dune Complex to prehistoric hunter - gatherers. For the Phase II testing, the site was re -surveyed with artifacts marked with pin flags to understand the extent of the site. The surface artifacts were collected, put into bags and labeled with pertinent information. Testing consisted of excavation of 8 test PAReports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\rpt ph 2 archaeo sdp 08-902 sobel.doc units, 22 shovel test pits, 28 excavation units, 2 backhoe trenches, and 3 backhoe test pits within the area of the site. As a result of the testing, a limited quantity of artifacts, including hardened/fire affected clay, ceramic sherds, shell, fire -affected rock, groundstone, chipped stone debitage and small fragments of animal bone were found. These items are currently being analyzed in the laboratory by CRM TECH. Human cremated remains were also found during the excavation. The Torres Martinez Band of Desert Cahuilla have been determined to be the most likely descendents by the Native American Heritage Commission and therefore they observed the excavation and removal of the human remains. CRM TECH was given permission by the tribe to analyze the remains, after which they will be returned to the tribe with any associated burial items for their reburial. CONCLUSION: The collected artifacts, according to CRM TECH, are not expected to provide new information about the prehistory in the area. Therefore, no further archaeological excavations are deemed necessary by CRM TECH. The cremation feature is of importance to the Native American culture. As a result, the cremation feature constitutes a "historic Resource" under the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) requiring mitigation to a level less than significant. This will be achieved by repatriation of the Native American remains to the Torres Martinez Desert Cahuilla Indians, completion of the laboratory analysis of the artifacts and submission of the final report to Staff. The report states the monitoring during grading and earth -moving operations is recommended due to the area's sensitivity for additional subsurface cultural deposits. RECOMMENDATION: Adopt Minute Motion 2008- _, accepting the interim Archaeological Testing and Evaluation Report of Site CA-RIV-8835 (33-16950), as prepared by CRM TECH, subject to the following conditions: 1. The "final" archaeological testing and evaluation report shall be submitted to the Planning Department prior to issuance of first building permit. The report shall include disposition of the cremated Native American remains. 2. The site shall be monitored during on- and off -site trenching and rough grading by qualified archaeological monitors. Proof of retention of monitors shall be given to the Planning and Public Works Departments prior to issuance of first earth -moving or clearing permit. Monitors shall include a minimum of one Native American monitor. PAReports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\rpt ph 2 archaeo sdp 08-902 sobel.doc 3. The final report on the monitoring shall be submitted to the Planning Department prior to the issuance of the first building final inspection for the project. 4. Collected archaeological resources shall be properly packaged for long term curation, in polyethylene self -seal bags, vials, or film cans as appropriate, all within acid -free, standard size, comprehensively labeled archive boxes and delivered to the Planning Department prior to issuance of first building final inspection for the property. Materials will be accompanied by descriptive catalogue, field notes and records, primary research data, and the original graphics. Attachment: 1. Archaeological Testing and Evaluation Report of Site CA-RIV-8835 (33-16950) (Commissioners and staff only) Prepared by: Stan Sawa, Principal Planner PAReports - HPC\2008\5-15-08\rpt ph 2 archaeo sdp 08-902 sobel.doc HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMISSION STAFF REPORT DATE: MAY 15, 2008 ITEM: CITY HISTORIC CONTEXT STATEMENT REVIEW BACKGROUND: Staff has begun the revision and updating of the City Historic Context drafted in 1997. Attached is the first part consisting of the introduction and Context 1, which pertains to the City's prehistory and early settlement. The Commission should review the attached and determine its acceptability. Staff will have Context 2 pertaining to the City's resort industry at the next Commission meeting. There are three contexts contained in the statement. They are Prehistory and early settlement, Resort Industry and Village and Cove Development. RECOMMENDATION: Determine acceptability of the introduction and Context 1. Attachment: 1. City Historic Context Statement Introduction and Context 1 . Prepared by: Stan Sawa, Principal Planner P:\stan\hpc\hpc rpt context #i.doc DRAFT CITY OF LA QUINTA HISTORIC CONTEXT STATEMENT SUBMITTED TO: LA QUINTA HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMISSION Allan Wilbur, Chairman Maria L. Puente Peggy Redmon Archie Sharp Robert S. Wright Thomas Genovese, City Manager Les Johnson, Planning Director PREPARED BY: LA Quints Planning Department SUBMITTED BY: David Sawyer, Planning Manager May 2008 October 1997 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Staff wishes to thank current La Quinta Historic Preservation Commissioners, Allan Wilbur, Maria Puente, Peggy Redmon, Archie Sharp, Robert Wright, and former Commissioners Jim DeMersman, Barbara Irwin, Ned Millis, Stewart Woodard for their review and comments of this document. The expert review and commentary by Advisor to the Historic Preservation Commission Lauren Weiss Bricker, Ph.D. was invaluable in this effort. In addition, thanks go to Joe L. Maddox of the Coachella Valley Water District for providing copies of aerial photographs and maps; Mary M. Murphy and Patty Cook of the Bureau of Land Management for providing information and records on homesteading; The Coachella Valley Historical Museum for opening their files; the La Quinta, Riverside Main, and Indio County Branch Libraries for assisting in the location of historical information; the late Fred Rice for his review of the draft document and providing information from his files; Diana Ablard and Celia Arrieta of the Riverside County Planning Department located and made available County Planning Commission Minutes from the 1930's; Cate Whitmore of the Riverside County Parks Department for copies of historical site records; Bob Moore, General Manager of the La Quinta Country Club, for the loan of historical materials; Rudy Valenzuela for information about his father; the USGS for historical maps; Tom Kennedy for information about his family; Stan Sniff for information about the agricultural families and practices; the National Archives in Laguna Niguel for research advice; and Tom Core of the Big Bear Historical Society for information about Guy Maltby and the Peter Pan Woodland Club. Ron Barron, a local interior designer, provided information about his uncle, Harry Kiener. Former Staff members Christi di lorio and Leslie Mouriquand worked on the original draft. Carolyn Walker and former Staff member Britt Wilson and proofread the manuscript and provided valuable suggestions. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE TABLEOF CONTENTS.................................................................... 3 SECTION PAGE 3 1. OBJECTIVES AND METHODS....................................................................5 1.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................ 5 1.2 OBJECTIVES.....................................................................................5 1.3 METHODS..........................................................................................6 2. CONTEXT 1: PREHISTORY AND EARLY SETTLEMENT ......................... 7 2.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................ 7 2.1.1 Definition of Context Theme ................................................ 7 2.1.2 Significance Criteria for Sites and Properties .......................... 7 2.2 PREHISTORY..................................................................................10 2.2.1 Early Prehistory — Prior to 1,000 Years Ago ........................ 10 2.2.2. Late Prehistory — 990 A.D. to 1850 A.D ............................... 12 2.2.3 Proto-History —1800 A.D. to 1900 A.D................................ 20 TheMissions............................................................................ 20 Mexican Influences.................................................................... 21 The Bradshaw Trail.................................................................... 21 Railroad Survey and Construction ................................................ 23 The American Period................................................................. 24 Reservations and Culture Change for the Cahuilla .......................... 25 2.3 LAND GRANTS AND EARLY SETTLERS ...................................... 26 2.3.1 Types and Number of Land Grants .................................... 26 2.3.2 Surviving Homesteads..................................................... 28 Adobes.................................................................................... 28 Homesteaders Houses............................................................... 29 2.4 AGRICULTURE................................................................................32 2.4.1 Date and Citrus Pioneers ................................................. 34 JohnMarshall Ranch................................................................. 34 PointHappy Ranch.................................................................... 35 RanchoLa Quinta...................................................................... 35 2.4.2 Truck Crops.................................................................... 36 2.4.3 Coachella Canal.............................................................. 37 2.5 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 1............. 38 3. CONTEXT 2: RESORT INDUSTRY........................................................... 40 3.1 INTRODUCTION.............................................................................. 40 3.1.1 Definition of Context Theme ............................................. 40 3.1.2 Significance Criteria for Properties .................................... 40 3.2 LA QUINTA HOTEL........................................................................41 3.2.1 Architect and Architecture................................................... 43 3.2.2 Owners.......................................................................... 44 3 3.2.3. Construction...................................................................45 3.2.4 Marketing....................................................................... 47 3.3 LA QUINTA COUNTRY CLUB.........................................................4i 3.3.1 Architect and Architecture ............................................... 48 3.3.2 Owners.......................................................................... 48 3.3.3. Construction...................................................................48 3.3.4 Marketing....................................................................... 48 3.4 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 2.................... 49 4. CONTEXT 3: VILLAGE AND COVE DEVELOPMENT .............................. 50 4.1 INTRODUCTION.............................................................................. 50 4.1.1 Definition of Context Theme ............................................. 50 4.1.2 Significance Criteria for Properties .................................... 50 4.2 COVE - 1920 TO 1950..................................................................... 50 4.2.1 Subdivision History ......................................................... 52 4.2.2 Infrastructure.................................................................. 54 Circulation................................................................................ 54 Water...................................................................................... 55 Drainage.................................................................................. 56 Electricity................................................................................. 56 4.2.3 Social Factors................................................................. 56 4.3 VILLAGE COMMERCIAL................................................................ 56 4.3.1 Development...................................................................57 4.3.2. Economic Factors........................................................... 58 4.4 DESERT CLUB................................................................................ 58 4.4.1 Architect and Architecture ............................................... 58 4.4.2 Construction....................................................................58 4.4.3 Owners.......................................................................... 59 4.4.4 Marketing....................................................................... 60 4.5 Properties Within This Context .................................................... 60 5. RESULTS....................................................................................................62 6. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS...........................................63 7. REGISTRATION REQUIREMENTS........................................................... 63 7.1 NATIONAL REGISTER OF HISTORIC PLACES ............................ 63 7.1.1. Criteria for Evaluation...................................................... 64 7.2 REQUIREMENTS FOR LOCAL LISTING ........................................ 64 7.2.1 Criteria for Designation.................................................... 64 8.0 REFERENCES CITED.............................................................................66 I:! 1. OBJECTIVES AND METHODS 1.1 INTRODUCTION This Historic Context Statement was prepared to guide a comprehensive survey and assessment of the historic and prehistoric resources within the City of La Quinta. This Context Statement was prepared by Leslie Mouriquand, Associate Planner, and edited by Christine di lorio, Planning Manager, and Stan Sawa, Principal Planner for the Planning Department. Ms. Mouriquand meets the requirements of the Secretary of the Interior's "Historic Preservation Professional Qualifications Standards in Prehistoric Archaeology, while Ms. di lorio meets the standards in Architectural History. The governing stimulus for the preparation of this report is the requirement of the City of La Quinta Historic Preservation Ordinance (Chapter 7) which requires that a survey of the City be conducted. Since the City of La Quinta is a Certified Local Government (CLG), the preparation of this Context Statement partially fulfills the requirements of certification in the CLG Program. In 1995, the Historic Preservation Commission for the City of La Quinta determined that a Historic Context Statement would be prepared by City staff prior to having the first City survey conducted by a consultant. Prior to this survey, there had only been cursory literature searches for historic structures and sites performed by consultants in preparation of the City's General Plan, and in conjunction with proposed development projects in various sections of the City. 1.2 OBJECTIVES The objectives of the project are defined as the following: 1. To prepare a fully developed context statement for the City focusing on contributions in the fields of prehistory, early settlement, resort industry, and agriculture. 2. To survey and evaluate historic resources within the City of La Quinta, and to classify them with regard to contextual format. 3. To develop goals and priorities for preservation planning in the City. 4. To produce a final document that will: 5 o Enumerate the number of and Property type in the C o Provide the basis for eva properties within the City developed context statem 1.3 METHODS After conducting preliminary research, the sl presented possible topics for Context Stater Preservation Commission meeting in Noven offered suggestions for additions and revisior all topics as separate statements, the staff much broader statements, treating origina topics. within each Context ng all unsurveyed historical iugh the preparation of fully 3ff of the Planning Department cents at the La Quinta Historic bar of 1995. Commissioners s. Rather than developing fully decided to group them within ly suggested themes as sub - Staff continued researching the topics sele ted and reported back to the Commission in February of 1996 with a craft outline for the document. From February through June of 1996, the draft was prepared. Much of the subsequent discussion focused on the prominent individual settlers and early developers in each of the Contexts. EverV effort was made to assemble information and to make it an integral par of the appropriate contextual section. In order to determine the origin f certain properties that were known to be either homesteads or of in ric age, the Historical Indices contained at the Bureau of Land Manageme t office in North Palm Springs, were consulted. This information establish d the early settlement pattern, location, and identity of the pioneers. A few of the original homestead and land grants are still extant; however, most have been developed into residential subdivisions or commercial projects. The final three contexts that were decided upon consist of 1) Prehistory and Early Settlement, 2) Resort Industry, and, 3) Residential Development. These Contexts were developed to reflect the chronological development of the City, thematic developments over time, and the connection of these themes to the Cultural Resources, which can still be found within the City. Within each general context, there are sub -themes that further categorize historical periods and particular types of development in the La Quinta area. These themes have been extended to the present City limits of La Quinta, although the prehistoric and much of the historic, events and settlement patterns were not confined to this current political boundary. In a general sense, the history of La Quinta is the history of the Coachella Valley. In another sense, La Quinta's history is unique. 2 Photographs, maps, and sketches of some of the cultural and historical resources discussed in this document are presented in Appendix A. 2. CONTEXT 1: PREHISTORY AND EARLY SETTLEMENT 2.1 INTRODUCTION 2.1.1 Definition of Context Theme The Theme, Prehistory and Early Settlement, covers an extensive time period from the earliest prehistoric periods to the early homesteaders in La Quinta. This context was developed to reflect the early chronological use and settlement of the La Quinta area. There are three sub -themes within Context 1 : Prehistory, Land Grants and Early Settlers, and Agriculture. Each of these sub -themes is further divided into chronological or thematic categories found within the broader category. The prehistoric period was included because of the extensive archaeological resources found in the City. There are many surveyed resources associated with the prehistoric and protohistoric periods for which the following material has been included by way of introduction to the first context theme. Although the prehistoric settlement of La Quinta did not continue to the present day, it provides an important backdrop to the early explorers and homesteaders in the area. Even though there has not been an extensive survey of the City for prehistoric sites, there have been many development -driven surveys of specific parcels over the past thirty years. At present, approximately one-third to one-half of the City has been surveyed by qualified archaeologists in conjunction with specific development projects. There have only been limited surveys for historic period resources. 2 1 2 Sianificance Criteria for Sites and Properties In discussing significance criteria for the prehistoric archaeological sites within La Quinta, reference is made to the section on Cultural Resource Management Concerns contained in The Cahuilla Landscape: The Santa Rosa and San Jacinto Mountains, by Lowell John Bean, Sylvia Brakkie Vane and Jackson Young (1991). After a thorough listing and discussion of various Cahuilla sites, the following findings of "significance" were established by the above authors. These criteria are a local level method and guide to significance of prehistoric, historic, and modern Cahuilla sites. 7 When making decisions on the relative impacts of alternative site use, weight is given to information from the following sources: 1 . Current testimony from the tribal group in whose territory a site lies. For La Quinta this would be shared by the Torres -Martinez Tribal Council, the Ague Caliente Tribal Council, and the Cabazon Tribal Council as La Quinta is located in a territorial boundary area. 2. Information gathered in the course of recent cultural resource management studies, usually for development projects, and based upon consultation with the three local Tribal Councils. 3. Information from ethnographic, linguistic, historic, archaeological, and other literature - published and unpublished. II. The relative impacts of alternative sites use with respect to Native American values on the basis of whether the following conditions are present, and the location and density thereof. 1. A site is judged very sensitive to impact if it is sacred. Among the kinds of places deemed sacred are: Sources of residual sacred power, cremation sites, and other sites named after or closely identified with powerful sacred persons or happenings. This could include mountaintops, caves, rock shelters, springs, or rock art sites. 2. A site is judged very sensitive to impact if it has ritual associations. The following kinds of sites are associated with ritual: Burial and cremation sites; places used for prayer and meditation, for healing, and for training shamans; places where materials (plants, animals, or minerals) for sacred use are gathered. The presence of ritual objects such as quartz crystals, shaman's bundles, or ground figures indicates that a place is sacred. 3. Also very sensitive are rock art sites that had ritual connotations when made, and are considered sacred by most Cahuilla. These are particularly vulnerable to impact when anything makes them more accessible. P, 4. Sites sensitive to Cahuilla because of association with their traditional life are: Cahuilla trails, and places where they are known to have passed in pursuing religious, social, or economic goals, very often all of these at once. 5. The sites of Native American villages, with the most recent ones most sacred and sensitive because they have a direct historical connection with living people. Modern reservations and other places where today's Cahuilla live are also very sensitive. 6. Collection areas - or micro ecosystems: Stands of plants, such as pinyon trees, mesquite, palm oases, cacti, and plants providing food, for the Cahuilla - and basketry materials are necessary if the art is to continue. Species that are endangered or whose ecosystems are endangered are of special concern to the Cahuilla. 7. Sites frequented by desert tortoises, desert bighorn sheep, and other animals are important to the Cahuilla. Species that are endangered or whose ecosystems are endangered are of special concern to the Cahuilla. 8. Springs and other sources of water. Hot springs or springs where healing sites are performed are especially sensitive, having sacred connotations. It is believed that hot springs are connected underground with sources of power, which can be dangerous, but also can be tapped for healing purposes. 9. Sites named in traditional songs and other literature. 10. Sites to which people came to trade, visit, recreate, or process food. Significant clues to sensitivity include the presence of bedrock mortars and slicks, other groundstone artifacts, scatters of stone flakes, stone circles, stone effigies, and pottery. Rock shelters and caves may have deposits of artifactual materials, including burials, shaman's bundles, quartz crystals, etc. Areas with a high density of artifactual materials are more sensitive than those with low density are. Contemporary Cahuilla concerns may be highest in areas which they presently use, or of which they have a direct historical memory (Bean and Vane 1987). The cultural landscapes associated with the Native Californians must retain the integrity to convey the inseparable link of nature, religion, and philosophy to be significant. Native economic landscapes are a reminder of how Native Californians enhanced their natural surroundings to make the land more productive. The State of California as part of the California Environmental Quality Act states any object, building, structure, site, area, place, record, or manuscript which a lead agency determines to be historically significant or significant in the architectural, engineering, scientific, economic, agricultural, educational, social, political, military, or cultural annals of California may be considered to be an historical resource, provided the lead agency's determination is supported by substantial evidence in light of the whole record. Generally, a resource shall be considered by the lead agency to be "historically significant if the resource meets the criteria for listing on the California Register of Historical Resources (Pub. Res. Code, § 5024.1, Title 14 CCR, Section 4852) including the following: A. Is associated with events that have made a significant contribution to the broad patterns of California's history and cultural heritage; B. Is associated with the lives of persons important in our past; C. Embodies the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, region, or method of construction, or represents the work of an important creative individual, or possesses high artistic values; or D. Has yielded, or may be likely to yield, information important in prehistory or history. 2.2 PREHISTORY 2 2 1 Early Prehistory — Prior to 1,000 Years Ano No extensive survey has been undertaken to identify prehistoric sites on a city-wide basis in La Quinta. Gaps exist in the information about the prehistoric period that can only be answered by additional research, field survey, excavation, and other data collection activities. However, due to early development that was done prior to the requirement for surveys, some areas will never be done. Filling in the gaps in information will require a framework to guide archaeologists in designing future research in La Quinta and the surrounding environs. This document calls for such a framework to 10 be developed by archaeologists conducting research in the Coachella Valley, and more particularly, in La Quinta. The early prehistory of the La Quinta area cannot be separated from the prehistory of the entire southern California desert region. The chronology of the early period is controversial; however, convention has placed the oldest archaeological materials found in the desert interior of southern California to the Lake Mohave period of the San Dieguito complex (cf. Rogers 1939, 1958; Wallace 1962; Warren 1967, 1984; Warren and Crabtree 1986). Others refer to this early period under the regional label, the Western Hunting Culture (Forbes 1982). Evidence of this period of occupation has been found in the Colorado Desert; however, our understanding of this evidence is relatively minimal. In the Coachella Valley, archaeological deposits older than two or three thousand years have yet to be fully documented (Sutton and Wilke 1988). The gaps in our knowledge stem from the limited archaeological research conducted thus far in the valley, rather than the lack of human presence. Evidence of the early period may be buried deeply under alluvial and aeolian soils. Archaeological studies conducted in conjunction with development projects have revealed that there are cultural deposits at considerable depths (10 to 13 feet) below the ground surface. Very few details of the early prehistoric lifestyle are known beyond what was contained in the hunting tool kit. There are regional variations of this culture, such as the Lake Mohave (7,690 B.C. to 8,050 B.C.) and the San Dieguito (7,080 B.C. to 5,670 B.C.) manifestations. The tools that have been identified with the Lake Mohave and San Dieguito variations include flake scrapers, knives, crude perforators and engravers, choppers, leaf - shaped and shouldered projectile points, hammerstones, and chipped lithic crescents. Ground stone artifacts are very rare in the artifact tool kits of the early period. The type of artifacts found thus far point to the reliance on large game animals as the dominant food resource, with small game, birds, fish, shellfish, and plant resources supplementing the diet when possible. These people traveled in small groups. They settled in open air sites and possibly used rock shelters on a temporary basis. It is theorized that the early people migrated from the Great Basin region. The Western Hunting Culture continued with relatively little change until approximately 5,000 years ago. The desert area changed little until about 2,000 B.P. (Before Present). The second period of the early prehistory features a shift in the type of food resources relied upon. From approximately 8,000 to 5,000 B.P. there is a gradual change over to collecting and processing of seed foods. Numerous food grinding implements are found. There is a noticeable increase in the size and stability of settlements, which is evident by the middens (trash piles), shell beads, and millingstones found at camp sites. During this time, 11 there was a climatic change, which brought drought conditions in parts of southern California. The drying of the interior valleys resulted in a thinning of the inland population and migration to the coastal areas. In the final period of the early prehistory, after about 3,000 B.C., there is an emphasis on diversified subsistence strategies, or ways of getting food. Large percussion -flaked projectile points become rare, and mortars and pestles begin to appear. At about this time the climate changed and there is increased rainfall, which once again makes the desert a habitable place to live. Many campsites with evidence of extensive use are found in the Pinto Basin and most other desert areas. The tool kits now contain leaf -shaped knife blades, hammers, choppers, scraper planes, seed grinding implements, handstones, and millingstones. The economy is mixed hunting and gathering, with the main reliance on hunting. In summary, the early prehistoric periods were characterized by the expanding utilization of rich and varied native food resources, technological improvement, overall growth in population, enlargement and increased stabilization of individual communities, and a gradual emergence of regional cultures (Wallace 1978). On the coast, the transition from the early prehistoric period to an intermediate phase, known as the Gypsum Period, took place between 3,000 to 4,000 years ago. The most noticeable change is in the shift to a plant food -gathering society in which hunting and fishing played a secondary role. During this transition period, milling stones used to process seeds and plant foods appear, thus the name "Milling Stone Horizon" is given to this culture. A horizon is defined as periods with certain predominant characteristics, such as artifacts deposited over a certain period of time (Eargle, Jr. 1986:5). The telltale artifacts of the Milling Stone Horizon include deep-basined metates, manos, scrapers and choppers, hammerstones, and some bone tools. Here in the desert, there is a gap in information about this period in time. In 1996, an archaeological site was discovered in La Quinta that may date to the Early Prehistoric — or Archaic Period of the La Quinta area (Love 1996). The site designated CA-RIV-5832, will contribute toward the definition of the Early Prehistoric Period in the Coachella Valley. 2 2 2 Late Prehistory — 990 A.D. to 1850 A.D The Late Horizon ranges from 500 to 1,000 years ago, depending upon the specific region considered. In the Coachella Valley, the Late Horizon is tagged at about 1,000 B.P. when pottery was introduced from the Colorado River area. Thus, in La Quinta, pre -pottery sites are considered to belong to irJ the early or intermediate periods, while sites containing pottery are of the Late Prehistoric Period. At about 1,000 years ago, the freshwater Lake Cahuilla was about a hundred miles long as it extended southward into Imperial Valley. Along the northern and western lake shoreline, near present- day La Quinta and Bermuda Dunes, are numerous prehistoric camp and occupation sites. The people that lived in the Coachella Valley during this time were the predecessors of the ethnographic and modern Cahuilla. The Desert Cahuilla Indians believed that the La Quinta Cove was the original "Garden of Eden" where human life began on earth, according to Katherine Siva Saubel, a leading historian of the Cahuilla culture and Cahuilla elder (Rice n.d.). During the middle and early part of the Late Horizon, some of the Cahuilla developed a lacustrine (lake shore) economy and lived along the western and northern shores of the ancient lake. The marsh -like environment provided rich resources, including water birds and their eggs, fish, water plants, etc. About 500 years ago, the Colorado River, which fed into the lake, changed its course due to siltation and stopped feeding the lake. As a result, the lake evaporated, and the people moved their villages and changed their subsistence patterns to match the changing environment. The Santa Rosa Mountains, above La Quinta, provided the Indians with a wealth of resources to replace those lost by the disappearing lake. The intermediate period in the La Quinta area lasted until about 500 years ago. After this point in time, the distinctiveness of the different tribelets is clearly present. This regional specialization resulted in a variety of cultural patterns and life styles, especially in southern California. Resources from the local environment were maximized and supplemented with goods and ideas from neighbors both near and far. For example, shell ornaments from abalone, olivella, limpet, clam, conus, and other shells were traded in from the coastal areas (Walker n.d.). Occasionally, these items are found in archaeological sites in the Coachella Valley. Another example is the Mimbres black -on -white clay pot found during the excavation of a sewer trench in the Kohl's parking lot (northeast corner of Highway 111 and Washington Street), which was probably traded in from New Mexico. Sites scattered throughout the La Quinta area point to the existence of a large population of village -dwellers whose subsistence activities centered on the freshwater lake. Cahuilla villages have been described as being small, consisting of 100 to 200 persons probably of people related to each other or lineage groups. Whenever the valley floor was not inundated by the lake, villages were located on the open desert floor. With the advent of permanent villages, there were also heightened social, economic and political interactions and a complex inter -regional exchange system of trade. This is 13 evidenced by trade goods found in some sites and a network of trails providing conduits to neighbors in all directions. Villages were generally located in or near the mouth of a canyon or in a valley, usually within a reasonable distance between a variety of plant and animal food resources. The Cahuilla moved around in response to climatic changes, and because of pressures and opportunities derived from settlers and because of the effects of diseases introduced from Euroamericans during the protohistoric and historic periods. The Cahuilla from the villages in Toro Canyon, Martinez Canyon, and other canyons on the desert side of the mountains, moved into the Coachella Valley after the lake had dried. Large settlements were found at Toro and Fig Tree John Springs, south and east of La Quinta, where there were artesian springs (Heizer and Treganza 1971). To supplement natural springs, the Cahuilla hand dug walk-in wells to reach the groundwater. Until the early 1900's, such a walk-in well existed near La Quinta, at the village site of Kavinish, in what is now the city of Indian Wells. Other walk-in wells were located on the Torres -Martinez Reservation, southeast of the City. They located their villages near a permanent source of water, either by walk- in wells, springs or streams. Mesquite groves and palm oases grew where water was close to the surface. These areas provided necessary food and water and attracted habitation. Structures found in a typical Cahuilla village included small brush shelters, dome or rectangular shaped houses, woven granaries, semi -subterranean sweathouses, and large ceremonial houses. There was no standard arrangement of structures within a village; rather ecological factors and the desire for privacy determined where they were situated. While the ceremonial houses were usually centrally located near the spring or well, individual houses could be scattered around a spring and spaced some 30 to 60 feet apart. The size and shape of the structures depended upon the individual or family needs. Caves were occasionally used as living quarters. The Cahuilla considered the area in and around the village to be the exclusive property of the lineages that occupied the village. Groups of lineages comprising a sib claimed specific territories that were arranged to reach into all of the different ecological zones found in the valley and the adjacent mountains. This provided access to all of the available food resources (Bean and Lawton 1965). The area immediately around the villages was held communally by the residents of that village. Uninvited food collection by residents of other villages was cause for a fight (Strong 1929:40). Bean (1972:74) estimates that there were forty-eight to eighty Cahuilla villages in the Coachella Valley and all interconnected by networks of trails. Shrines and sacred sites along the trails were marked by petroglyphs and pictographs 14 representing various villages (Bean 1978:575). There were well-defined trail complexes between villages. Trails included those for hunting, visiting, personal sib trails, and those for specific lineages to use. Some of these trials evolved into wagon roads and modern roadways, and some of the trails in the nearby hills and mountains are used today by hiking and equestrian groups. The major villages in the Desert Cahuilla territory at the time of European contact numbered about twenty. A large village was located on and around the areas where the intersection of Washington Street and Highway 111 is located. This is probably a part of the village of Kavinish that was located in the neighboring City of Indian Wells. The village stretched along the southern bank of the Whitewater River. Another major village in La Quinta was Kotevewit, a village described by Strong (1929) as being located five miles south of Point Happy, somewhere near the present location of the La Quinta Hotel and the Tradition Club development. The population and occupancy of a Cahuilla village was determined by seasonal activities. The Cahuilla left their permanent villages during certain times of the year to establish camps in areas where particular resources were ready to collect or game to hunt. Sometimes family activities or celebrations would require a short term move from one camp or village to another to participate (Jeffrey 1993:20). The typical Cahuilla village did not follow any particular arrangement or pattern, except that there were usually houses clustered together around a reliable source of water. The traditional building style for the Cahuilla house was a brush covered, tree branch framed structure. Buildings varied in size from brush lean-to types of shelters to the earlier dome -shaped or later rectangular houses 15 to 20 feet long depending on the individual family's needs, and ceremonial houses. A communal men's sweathouse and several granaries were also located within the village, clustered around the ceremonial house or homes (Bean 1978:577-578). Family dwellings (kish) were usually circular brush shelters built over a scooped -out hollow in the ground. Later houses, probably influenced by the Mexican jacal, were rectangular and set on forked posts. Walls were plastered with mud or adobe and the roof was thatched with tules or other plants (Bean and Lawton 1965). It is speculated that some house floors were prepared with wet clay that was fired into a slab -like flooring from the fragments of undefined clay that are sometimes found in archaeological sites (Jeffrey 1993:21). One such possible plastered floor -like surface remnant was discovered during the archaeological study for the road improvement project along Adams Street in the northern section of La Quinta (Mouriquand 1996). 15 It was not uncommon for two or three closely related families to build their houses in a cluster and connect them with covered walkways and walls that served as windbreaks. Many daily tasks were performed outside of the kish (Bean 1972: 72-73; Bean and Bourgeault 1989: 41-43). At times caves and rock shelters fronted with brush served as shelters in the canyons. These canyon wall shelters provided protection from the intense desert heat and the freezing cold in winter. Rock shelters and caves were used into historic times. Evidence of the earliest occupation in the area is found at a rock shelter in Tahquitz Canyon, which dates at about 500 B.C. This shelter also contains evidence of Cahuilla occupation during the Historic Period (Jeffrey 1993:20). Free-standing structures had thatched roofs of whatever was at hand — palm fronds, arrowweed, willow, tule, or other shrubbery — were supported by strong, forked posts set in the earth, and corner and frame posts. Roofs were slightly peaked and had a hole in the top to allow smoke to escape. Some houses had simple brush siding, while others had such siding plastered over with mud or banked with sand for additional strength and protection. It is thought that over time the traditional dome -style kish evolved into a rectangular dwelling influenced by the Spanish (Jeffery 1993:20). Jeffrey explains in her article on Cahuilla structures that archaeological data from circular house floors discovered in Tahquitz Canyon (Palm Springs) dates to around 1,500 A.D. The largest structure in any village was the ceremonial house (Kishumnawat), usually circular in shape with the floor sunk several inches into the ground, and having a diameter of around fifty feet. The roof slanted upward from the side walls and was supported by forked posts. Hatching consisted of palm fronds, willow, and other shrubs. Centrally located, this was the house of the net (political leader), and here was kept the sacred ceremonial bundle. With an attached cooking area and outside dance location, this was the scene of political meetings, curing rituals, recreational activities, and other ceremonial events important to the life of the clan. The interior was separated into living space, sacred sanctuary (where the ceremonial bundle was kept), and dance floor for ceremonial dances (Bean and Bourgeault 1989; Baumgardt and Bowles 1981; Bean 1972; Bean and Lawton 1965). Another structure of the Cahuilla village was the sweathouse. The sweathouses were mostly subterranean and sealed with daub or packed soil (Jeffrey 1993:23). They were used mostly by adult males who came to enjoy the therapeutic comfort of the intense interior heat. The high temperature was provided by fire -heated stones brought from outside to a special location inside the structure. Because this structure was used by the 16 men of the clan it functioned not only as a health center, but also as a place where matters of concern to the male population were discussed (Brumgardt and Bowles 1981:87-88). During pleasant weather, the Cahuilla spent a considerable amount of time under the shade of a ramada. A ramada is an arbor made by setting in place four or more stout forked posts to support a roof of poles and thatch. The ramadas are said to have shown Mexican influence (James 1960:45), and may indeed be a later architectural style. Basket granaries were commonly found in Cahuilla villages. They were well constructed and built on tops of square houses, sometimes on top of armadas, and sometimes on a low platform of poles set on four, six, or eight supporting posts. The granaries were used to store acorns, mesquite beans, and a variety of seeds (James 1960:45). Round or globular -shaped granaries were constructed from arrowweed, sagebrush, and other brush plant material. They were covered and often plastered with mud (Jeffrey 1993:22). At present, there are no intact examples of early Cahuilla structures or architecture remaining in La Quinta. It is possible to see reconstructed examples of these structures at the Living Desert Reserve, the Morongo Indian Reservation, Andreas Ranch, and the Salton Sea State Park, among other places. Numerous publications about the Cahuilla have photographs and sketches of these structures. The principal large game animals that were hunted were the pronghorn sheep (antelope), mountain sheep, and mule deer. These animals provided food, sinews, and skins. Martinez and Toro Canyons were frequented by hunters. There may have also been bear in the local mountains. Small animals were also relied upon and included rabbits, squirrels, chipmunks, rats, and mice. The remains of these resources are often found in the archaeological sites in and around La Quinta. Most indigenous plants were exploited in some manner for economic, medicinal, or ritual reasons. Some of the plant resources that were utilized by the Cahuilla included mesquite beans, screw beans, chenopodium, agave, yucca, wild plum, dates, acorns, pine -nuts, chia, cactus, and elderberry (Barrows 1900:306-310). There is evidence that the Cahuilla of the Late Horizon practiced limited agriculture through cultivating corn, squash, beans, pumpkin, melons, tobacco, and medicinal herbs (Bean 1972:48; Modesto and Mound 1980:18). This practice was most likely learned from the Colorado River people. William Duncan Strong, an anthropologist who studied Indians in southern California, stated that wheat was also raised by the Cahuilla in small patches (1929:38). 17 The material wealth of the Cahuilla, who lived in and around La Quinta, consisted of many items made locally and some that were brought in by trade. Trading relationships were established with the neighboring Chemehuevi, Serrano, Luiseno, Mohave, Yuma, Kamia, Diegueno, Halchidoma, and Gabrielino tribelets (Bean 1972:69). Occasionally, some of these trade items are found in the archaeological record. Trade with distant peoples also occurred, such as the WalMart parking lot find discussed earlier. The Cahuilla made good quality pottery in grey, brown, and red local clays. The technology for making pottery is thought to have been borrowed from the Colorado River Indians at a late date (Barrows 1900:46; Kroeber 1922:19). Some ceramic pieces were decorated with black or red lines in geometric and circular patterns, while a few pieces were decorated with incised patterns. Items made of clay include cooking pots, water jars, parching trays, storage jars, ladles, and pipes (Bean and Lawton 1987; Kroeber 1908:54-57), dippers, and ceremonial bowls (Walker n.d.). The paddle and anvil method was used to make the various pots and jars. They were fired very hard in an open fire -pit, which was much like a kiln. Cracked vessels were often repaired by drilling small holes along each side of the crack and lacing strips of wet willow and filling the crack with melted asphaltum (Walker n.d.). Cahuilla pottery was made with crushed rock temper using the paddle and anvil method to flatten and shape the clay. The clay, when baked, took on a dull reddish color. Clay from local sources in La Quinta was used. There were no corrugated or slipped wares made by the Cahuilla. Their pottery was generally light weight, but brittle and porous (Kroeber 1922:18-19). Several fine pottery specimens have been found in local archaeological sites. The Cahuilla were, and still are, known for their fine basketry. They made shallow trays, storage baskets, gathering baskets, caps and trinket baskets. The baskets were made of grasses (Epicames rigens), and reeds (Juncus robustus or Rhus trilobata). Many baskets had intricate designs woven of various colors. Large granaries were fashioned of willow, palm leaves, mesquite branches, and other plants. These granaries were used for storing large quantities of acorns, mesquite beans, or other food stuffs (Bean 1978:578-579; Bean and Lawton 1987). Barrow (1900) offers a detailed discussion on Cahuilla baskets and basket making, while Kroeber (1908) and Hooper (1920) offer additional information on the subject. The material culture found in the archaeological record includes stone tools and objects, projectile points, clay vessels, shell beads, and items of bone, such as whistles. Basketry and wooden items are found only rarely in the archaeological context as they were perishable, Much of what is known In about the Cahuilla material culture has been learned from historical and ethnographic accounts. Cahuilla society was organized into a moiety structure with two totemic clans, the Coyote and the Wildcat. These two moieties formed the essential units of determining marriage rules and ceremonial functions. The Desert Cahuilla were further divided into at least 44 male lineages. Each lineage seems to have had at least a single location, which it claimed as its own, always near water. Most lineage names seem to refer to ancestral dwelling places. Each lineage had a patriarchal chief, usually the oldest son of the preceding chief (Gifford 1971 :377). Cahuilla religious life was directed by a shaman whose primary function was that of a doctor. A shaman cured by removing the object that was the cause of the disease through a sucking ritual, whereby the object was ritualistically sucked out of the patient's body. Shamans were both beneficent and malevolent. The selection of a shaman was through a childhood predisposition for the job usually by repeated dreams that would indicate that the child was destined to be a shaman (Kroeber 1922). The first Europeans to meet with the Cahuilla were a group of Spaniards under the leadership of Juan Bautista de Anza, in 1774. De Anza was looking for a passable route from Mexico northward to Monterey for faster delivery of goods than was possible by ship. Franciscan Friar Francisco Garces and Father Pedro Font crossed the valley with de Anza in 1774 and 1776, and may have had contact with the Cahuilla. De Anza and his men traveled across what is now the Anza Borrego Desert into Los Angeles (Kalenberg and Milanovich 1989). Often the Spaniards roughly treated the Indians, which resulted in violence. Hostilities by the Indians forced the Spaniards to continue sending people and supplies by ship along the coast. Thus, the contact with the Spaniards during these early years was limited. There were no Spanish outposts in Cahuilla territory, because it was considered too far inland from the coast and the Indians thought to be too fierce. By 1769, the Cahuilla were divided into about a dozen independent corporate politico -religious kin groups consisting of patrilineal clans. Each clan "owned" large tracts of territory each of which included several ecological zones so that they could take advantage of a wide variety of resources. Clans were divided into two or three lineages, with each lineage occupying a particular village. Each clan was organized around a hierarchical religious and political structure. Each clan had at least one ceremonial unit consisting of an official ceremonial house, and a ceremonial bundle (Kaldenberg and Milanovich 1989, in Bean, Vane, and Young 1989). Recent archaeological evidence suggests that there may have been distinctive lineage burial practices at each of the village sites. 19 2 2 3 Proto-History —1800 A.D. to 1900 A.D. The Proto-Historic Period is defined as the time or events that were formative for the immediate historic period, usually just before contact with the Euroamericans. The Proto-Historic time found the Cahuilla a settled people in permanent villages or towns as an independently developed tribelet or autonomous people. By 1850, the Cahuilla had increasing contacts with the Spanish colonists, the Missionaries and the Euroamerican settlers. The Cahuilla did not fare well as a result of these contacts. By 1819, the Cahuilla were trading with the Spanish. Through contact with the Spaniards, the Cahuilla obtained new material goods and technology, such as pack horses, cattle, glass beads, woven cloth, china plates, and metal tools. They learned soap making and iron making (Bean and Bourgeault 1989). A trail was established by the Cocomaricopa Indians across the Coachella Valley in 1821 as they carried mail through the San Gorgonio Pass between Tucson, Arizona and Mission San Gabriel. Attempts by settlers to establish similar routes proved either unsuccessful or impractical (La Quinta General Plan 1992:5-17). The downside to this contact resulted in many Cahuilla deaths from diseases such as syphilis, cholera, measles, smallpox, pneumonia, malaria, tuberculosis, and typhoid fever (Rawls 1984). The Missions During the early 1800's, the Cahuilla visited the Spanish settlements and a few stayed and learned about Christianity and European ways. Mission records show baptisms of Cahuillas as early as 1809 (Bean and Bourgeault 1989:81-83). Although there were no army forts or camps in the Coachella Valley, no missions or asistencias, or pueblos or presidios, contact with the Spanish proved to be a major impact upon the Cahuilla culture. In addition to transforming the way of life of the Indians in general, the missions also inadvertently contributed to their destruction. During the mission period, the native population fell dramatically. Death was caused not only by disease, but also by change in diet and dietary deficiencies, poor sanitation at the missions, lack of medical care, and forced labor. The missionaries developed a system of forced labor or peonage, whereby Indian children and adults were enticed to the missions and then prevented from leaving. If they escaped, the Spanish would hunt them down and return them to the missions for punishment. The missions wished to convert the Indians to Christianity and eradicate the Indian culture. 20 Mexican Influences When the Mexican Revolution began in 1822, the Mexican colonial government made grants of large tracts of land to Mexican citizens in the southern California area. With the lack of other available labor to the land owners, the Indians were kept in indentured servitude. The Mexicans did not choose to settle in Cahuilla territory; however, Cahuilla men did work on some of the ranches out of the valley. The Cahuilla took these wage jobs to supplement their traditional hunting and gathering. In the Mexican War of 1848, the United States gained control of California. In the same year, the gold rush began in northern California. Many Cahuilla communities became frequent stopover places for Mexican, European, and American travelers. The Coachella Valley was the site of the most popular immigration route to the Southwest, the Southern Immigrant Trail. This Trail was traveled by more settlers than the Oregon, Santa Fe, and Overland Trails combined. Several of the Cahuilla communities became stagecoach and mail stops (Bean and Bourgeault 1989:88), and travelers across the desert had become dependent upon the Indian villages to supply them with feed for their livestock (Thompson 1996:138). The Bradshaw Trail During the late spring of 1862, word of a gold strike near La Paz, Arizona, had spread across the region and La Quinta played a small part. Henry De Groot, a young assistant geologist for the California State Mining Bureau, took an interest in the strike and set out to investigate the stories of fabulous wealth obtained by the miners. In February of 1862, most of the interest in the strike existed mainly with the Hispanic community. By April and May of that same year, samples of large nuggets and great quantities of gold dust had reached the City of Los Angeles, and gold fever exploded. As miners left the Los Angeles area toward the gold fields near La Paz, there were numerous deaths of those who tried to cross the uncharted waterless desert. The need for exploration and trail blazing was evident. Henry De Groot was hired by the San Francisco Bulletin to represent them in the investigation of the placers at La Paz. He was teamed with J. H. Riley, a writer for the rival newspaper, Alta California (Thompson 1996:131-145). De Groot described the nature of the early months of the Colorado River gold rush, which included notes on geography, distances, water holes, and fodder for livestock. Riley wrote many stories in his diary. As De Groot and Riley departed on their journey, they left San Bernardino with the news that William Bradshaw had opened a new, shorter route to the mines. Bradshaw was thought to have learned of the shorter route from a Maricopa Indian 21 living with the Cahuilla at the Toro Village (located southeast of La Quinta). The trail ran from the Agua Caliente Village (Palm Springs) to the Pima Villages, near La Paz. Bradshaw claimed that this new route would save 200 miles and ten days of travel. Over half of the route ran through the Coachella Valley and, at one point, through the northern section of La Quinta by the homestead known as Point Happy Ranch. As De Groot and Riley traveled across the Coachella Valley, they stopped at night at the Indian villages in Palm Springs, passing through Indian Wells and La Quinta to the Rancheria de los Toros (Toros Indian Village), stopping briefly at the Martinez Village and Lone Palm (Soda Springs), to Dos Palmas (near the modern day Salton Sea) where potable water was available. They traveled on through Tabaseca and Chuckawalla, through the empty desert to La Paz (Thompson 1996:138-139). It was 25 miles from the Agua Caliente Village to the Toro Village with soft sand in between that made for an eight hour trip for loaded wagons heading for the gold fields. La Quinta's role on the Bradshaw Trail was an important one as a place to obtain potable water, an overnight camp spot and place of shelter from wind storms and flashfloods, and livestock fodder along the route. However, the Bradshaw stage line was short-lived,.. On its first trip from San Bernardino in 1863, the stage carried only passengers to the gold fields of the New Mexico Territory. When the stage made the return trip, carrying $5,000 worth of gold, it was held up in the Banning Pass, the occupants killed, and the gold stolen. The stage did not run again for five years (Santa Fe Federal Savings & Loan Association 1977). In 1868, the Bradshaw route was officially recognized and Congress authorized a U.S. Mail contract to James Grant to carry mail from Los Angeles through San Bernardino, La Paz, Prescott, and on to Santa Fe (Bureau of Land Management: n.d.; Nordland 1978:112)• Grant claimed to have pioneered the same route. However, Grant's report in a letter to the Los Angeles Southern News was less detailed than Bradshaw's; thus, Bradshaw's name stuck for the route (Thompson 1996:136). An increasing number of prospectors and settlers seeking California fortunes prompted San Bernardino County to dig a well for travelers' convenience at Indian Wells as the hand dug Indian well located near the stage stop was unreliable. The Bradshaw Stage Line passed through the northern section of La Quinta until 1877. When the gold fields played out and it was easier to travel by rail and steamboat, the stage line went out of business (O'Reilly and Bailey 1988). The railroad replaced the stagecoach. With the coming of the railroad, the Bradshaw Station, located at Agua Caliente, closed its doors. The segment of the stage line that passed through La Quinta was replaced by a graded gravel road in 1915. 22 Railroad Survey and Construction In 1852 and 1853, Congress authorized the Secretary of War to employ engineers to find the most economical and practical route for a railroad to the Pacific from the Mississippi. The first group was a detachment of the Army's Corps of Topographical Engineers under Lieutenant John G. Parke. William Blake was a geologist and Professor at Northern Arizona University assigned to Parke's detachment, which surveyed the valley in 1853. These men led a large party through the valley, discovering the San Gorgonio Pass as the best low-level pass on the entire Pacific slope. Blake named the desert "Colorado" giving it the name for the first time. He noted the old beach line above sea level at Coral Reef (in La Quinta) and Travertine Point as well as tiny spiral shells at the base of the mountains and on the valley floor. Indians indicated to Blake that the last time water rose to the ancient shorelines was about 500 years earlier. For many years, the occasional small body of alkaline water in the Salton Sink was known as "Blake's Sea". Blake, however, referred to the ancient sea as "Lake Cahuilla" (Nordland 1978:1 1 1; Johnston 1972:617; Robinson 1948:149). In 1865, the Southern Pacific Railroad organized to build rail lines from San Francisco to San Diego and eastward to meet rail lines being proposed to reach westward from New Orleans. A government survey had been conducted by Lt. R. S. Williamson in 1853, which recorded for the first time the San Gorgonio Pass, the only one on the entire Pacific slope (Nordland 1978:12). The work of the original survey party led by Lt. Williamson prompted the construction of the railroad through the Coachella Valley. "The construction of the railroad was slow and required intensive labor. Builders used horse drawn wheel scrapers and men used picks and shovels. Huge crews were organized and worked with remarkable speed. The sub - grade was built with the scraper, then ties were placed, rails laid and spiked by hand labor with spike and maul. Then imported screened gravel was placed between the ties, and now the 'gandy dancers', a nickname for the men operating the tamping iron bars, completed the road," wrote Nordland (1978) in his description of the construction effort. It is not known whether Chinese labor gangs worked on the desert section of the railroad, but it would not be improbable that they did. It was a tremendous effort just keeping the crews supplied with material and food. Water had to be brought in from the Snow Creek area by wagon and team. Water storage tanks were provided at Cabazon, Whitewater, Seven Palms (Garnet), and Indian Wells (Indio) as the rail line became operational. A depot was constructed in Indio, as it was half way between Yuma and Los Angeles. Indio was at that time called Indian Wells. A lively town sprang up 23 there to provide services to travelers and railroaders. Transportation from the depot to La Quinta was by wagon or horseback. While the rail line was under construction, two stage lines ran three times a week (Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays) from the railroad terminus to Ehrenberg, Arizona. The stagecoaches provided continuous transportation to Ehrenberg from wherever the railroad ended. The two stage lines were the Wells Express and the Arizona and New Mexico Express. To encourage the development of the railway, the government awarded all odd -numbered sections of land for 10 miles on each side of the track to the railway company. The even -numbered sections were retained by the government, which were later converted to reservation lands for the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The award of this reservation land marked the Ague Caliente as one of the wealthiest Indian groups in the country, (Santa Fe Federal Savings & Loan Association 1977). Local Indians were hired to work shoveling burning coal into buckets to be hoisted into the locomotive tenders. It was thought that the Indians could tolerate dealing with the hot coal during the summer heat much better than the Euroamericans, and thus they were sought out for those jobs. At that time, there were three Indian reservations in the lower valley from which there was a ready supply of labor. The Indians also supplied the railroads a steady source of fuel wood for the engines. It is interesting to note that at the time that the railroad was under construction, the valley was covered with a heavy growth of mesquite and greasewood, indicative of a wetter climate. In order to transport the wood to the railroad, a spur was built from the reservation, (near Coachella) to the main rail line. The area nearby the spur was called Woodspur (for obvious reasons) (Nordland 1978:12-14), later to be renamed Coachella. The American Period At the end of the first half of the 1800's, the rush for land was intensified as the missions declined and immigrants arrived. As most of the missions were secularized, they were abandoned, and former mission -controlled lands were divided up into both large and small ranchos. There were no such Mexican - controlled lands in the Coachella Valley, thus there was much less of an impact upon the Cahuilla as there was upon Indians in other areas. The Cahuilla, being an inland desert and mountain people, were essentially left alone for a while. With the onset of the American period in California, a system of apprenticeship was instituted in 1860 when a system of involuntary servitude was legalized. In theory, this law required the approval of the apprentices' parents to enter the system. However, in practice, this law made slaves of the California Indians. The extent to which the Cahuilla 24 were apprenticed is not known. Copies of indentures were to be filed with the county recorder's office. The most important use of California Indian labor in the early American period was in agriculture. In 1856, Indians were the main labor force on the southern ranches in San Bernardino and Los Angeles Counties. The Indians were essentially held in a state of peonage identical to their status under Spanish control. Between 1862 and 1864, the Great Drought hit California and put an end to cattle raising as a distinctive industry in California. After the drought, large tracts of land began to be divided into smaller parcels for farms and small ranches. With the decline of the cattle ranches, came the decline for the need for adult Indian labor. As settlers moved in irrigation projects were initiated to bring water to the newly created parcels. As former miners (Euroamerican and Chinese) glutted the labor market in the late 1850's, the demand for Indian labor was further diminished (Rawls 1984:109-1 10). Reservations and Culture Change for the Cahuilla Although the Cahuilla were relatively isolated from the forced labor and slave trade of northern California, they were being pushed off their traditional lands by Euroamerican settlers. To stop the theft of Indian land and water on the national level, the Indian Rights Association was created in 1870. The group recommended a system of reservation land grants to the Indians. In 1875, President U.S. Grant established the first reservations for the Cahuilla. Established were the Cahuilla, Torres -Martinez, Cabazon, and Morongo Reservations. Later, the Augustine Reservation was established. The Augustine Reservation is two miles east of the eastern boundary of La Quinta. The Cabazon Reservation is approximately three miles to the northeast of the City, while the closest section of the Torres -Martinez Reservation is located just a few miles to the southeast. Initially, the boundaries of the first reservations were not clearly defined which resulted in lawsuits by settlers who challenged the reservation grants. In 1852, the Cahuillas were to be given a strip of land that was 30 miles wide and 40 miles long; however, Congress failed to ratify the treaty (Nordland 1978:1 1 1). The strip of land would have included the La Quinta area. In 1887, Congress passed the Dawes Act, which allowed the division of reservation land into separate tracts allotted to individual Indians. Conflicts over land ownership and allotments went on for years. To resolve these disputes the Act for the Relief of Mission Indians was enacted in 1891, which established reservations in Southern California according to the recommendations of the Smiley Commission. This act clearly defined the boundaries of each reservation. However, as a result of the settlers' lawsuits, the designated reservation lands were reduced by one-third of what was originally designated. 25 Reservation life changed Cahuilla traditions more than contact with Spain or Mexico. The confinement to relatively small areas of land impacted the seasonal cycle of food gathering activities and migratory freedom the Cahuilla formerly enjoyed. Children were sent away to distant boarding schools. The Cahuilla language was forbidden to be spoken in the public schools. Missionary influences resulted in the replacement of their native religious practices with various forms of Christianity. Compared to other Indian groups, the Cahuilla have been able to remain on lands that have been part of their traditional territory during more than 200 years of Euroamerican contact. Through the centuries, the Cahuilla have used different strategies to deal with Euroamericans and have maintained a degree of political and economic autonomy (Rawls 1984:215). Today traditional foods are still used by the Cahuilla at ritual or social events. Kin relationships remain important. Pre -contact songs and dances continue to be performed, traditional practices are common at funerals, and personal rituals are still observed. There is also a renewed interest by the younger Cahuilla to learn and maintain their native language. 2.3 LAND GRANTS AND EARLY SETTLERS 2 3 1 Types and Number of Land Grants Homesteading in the Coachella Valley began in the 1880's, mostly around Palm Springs when public land was opened for settlement under the Desert Land Law of 1877. Non -railroad lands were opened to homesteaders in 1885. Few homesteads, however, were established until the late 1890's. With the advent of deep well drilling in 1894, the Coachella Valley experienced rapid growth for agriculture and tourism (La Quinta General Plan 1992:5-18; Coachella Valley Water District 1978:113). Prior to 1900 the only documented settlements in or near the current City of La Quinta boundaries were two Indian villages, one in the Cove area, Kotevewit, and the village of Kavinish, in what is now the City of Indian Wells. The village was observed and documented in 1856 by U.S. Army surveyors. The earliest archival evidence of Anglo-American settlement in the La Quinta area comes from 1900, when a few desert land claims were filed with the Government Land Office on two parcels in Section 22 of Township 6 south, Range 7 east. Two years later, the first homestead claims in the area were filed in Section 30 of Township 5 south, Range 7 east, Section 10 of Township 6 south, and Range 7 east. However, the 1904 USGS topographical map indicates no standing structure in the area now included in the City boundaries (La Quinta General Plan Master Environmental Assessment 1992:5-18). am 26 For the La Quinta area, the first applications for government land were made at about the turn of the century. The types of land grants in La Quinta consisted of Desert Land Entries, Homestead Entries, Railroad Grants, Cash Entries, Reclamation Homestead Entries, State Grants, and properties acquired through the Indemnity List. There were numerous attempts to homestead and acquire free government land; however, only a small fraction of all of the attempts reached the patent status. The Bureau of Land Management Historical Indices records each of the attempts and those that reached a patent. Many of the granted lands were later sold. However, until recent years a original homesteads in La Quinta were still extant. One such homestead was the Burkett Homestead located on Washington Street, south of Highway 111 . Five generations of Burketts are said to have lived on the homestead. It is now the site of a commercial project constructed in the 1990's. The Homestead Act was passed by Congress on May 20, 1862. This act gave settlers the right to enter a claim on as much as 160 acres and receive title after 5 years of residence and cultivation. Heads of households, widows and single persons over 21 years of age could make application for a homestead under the preemption clause. If a homesteader did not want to wait until the 5 year requirement had passed, it was possible to commute their claim to a cash entry paying the minimum price per acre for their land. By 1916, a homesteader could apply for up to a full section of land. The Government Land Office (GLO) was the agency responsible for the review of land grant applications. The GLO later became the Bureau of Land Management IMuhn and Stuart 1988:278►. In 1862, the government provided land grants to railroad companies to encourage railroad construction. The odd numbered sections of public land were reserved for the railroads with five alternate sections per mile on each side of the rail line, for a distance of 10 miles each side of the line. In 1864, the railroad grants were increased to 20 alternate sections for each mile of track, thus reaching far from the rail line. In 1871, Congress stopped issuing railroad grants. Three years after the railroad was completed unused lands could be sold at $1.25 per acre for settlement and preemption (Robinson 1948:151). Preemption was the right of settling on and improving unappropriated public lands and, later, of buying them at the minimum price without competition (Robinson 1948:167). The property known as the Marshall Ranch (Hacienda del Gato) located at the southern terminus of Washington Street was originally purchased from the Southern Pacific Railroad, in 1903, by John Marshall. The interest in homesteading tapered in 1917, when the impacts of World War I are said to have "busted" homesteading after the war. Primarily, the 10% interest waned due to the lack of available building materials (Bricker: Personal Communication). Drought and the economic collapse of agricultural products and livestock, along with little good farmland remaining, contributed to the end of the race for free land. The original author has plotted the following types and numbers of patented grants within the City of La Quinta as it existed in 1997: State Grants — 1 Desert Land Entries — 9 Homestead Entries — 26 Railroad Grants — 17 Sections Cash Entries — 16 Railroad Homestead Entries — 3 National Forest Grants — 1 Section 2.3.2 Survivina Homesteads Adobes There were few early adobe houses built in La Quinta as Homesteads. One existed behind the La Quinta Hotel, and a adobe ruin behind the Laguna de la Paz development northwest of Washington Street and Eisenhower Drive. Later, there were adobe bungalows built in the Cove subdivision, which date back to 1935. The only documentation on the adobe behind the La Quinta Hotel is a newspaper article published by the Riverside Enterprise, May 2, 1970, in which there is a photograph of the adobe ruin. The ruin is stated as being built and lived in by five priests that came to the valley. The priests called themselves "The Five" — La Quinta. No additional information is known about the priests. The photograph shows a roofless adobe brick structure that appears to be a four -walled house. No windows are visible in the photograph, and no definite doorway is observable. One wall is partially missing. However, the article states that the adobe was still standing on the western perimeter of the 1000 acres of the hotel property. No date is attributed to the adobe. The adobe house behind the Laguna de la Paz development in La Quinta is also in ruins, as only the foundation exists today. It is located within a cluster of tamarisk trees next to the base of the mountains, behind the Laguna de la Paz development During an interview with Councilman Stanley Sniff, the house was said to have been built by a Mexican -American man for his family who attempted to farm the same property. q-3 The adobe structures appear to have been small, and square or rectangular in shape. Adobe house architecture was described in some detail, in 1878, by Ludwig Salvator, a promotional writer, in the following passage: "The adobe houses are built after an old Mexican type and, if they are not always beautiful, they still, however, deserve respect as comfortable and appropriate for the climate. They are one-story and are composed of only one row of rooms, even though the owner might be very wealthy. The roofs are either flat, made from asphalt mixed with coarse sand and fastened all around with narrow boards through which are carried small, usually wooden, drains; or the roof is made from hollow tile. Around the house run wide verandas, which are supported by wooden posts. All rooms have a door opening upon the verandas... inside, the rooms are very simple, in many houses with bare clay floors which however are without exception extremely clean" (Weitze 1984:20). Whether the La Quinta adobes resembled the above description is not known. Adobe architecture is also described by Karen J. Weitze (1984) as having for the most distinctive components — one-story height, exterior arcades, and exterior patios. Homesteaders Houses As discussed previously, there were numerous attempts to homestead land in the La Quinta area. Only a fraction of those who attempted were successful in obtaining a patent on their claims. To obtain a patent on a homestead, a home was required to be built and lived in for a period of five years while a minimum of one -eighth of the land was farmed and improved. The houses constructed under these requirements were often small, single wall construction with wood siding. Architectural design requirements were not specified; however, most existing homestead houses were built in a rectangular shape with a gable type of roof. Building materials appear to have most commonly been wood frame with wood siding, with wood framed multi -pane glass windows. Occasionally, a fireplace was constructed. One of the last examples of a homestead house to exist in La Quinta was the Burkett Homestead house, demolished in March of 1996 without benefit of recordation or documentation. The property is located approximately one mile south of the present day State Highway 111 on the east side of Washington Street. Manning Burkett brought his family from Maine to Long Beach in 1905, then on to La Quinta for his son's health. Five generations of the Burkett family lived on the property. From observation, two houses 4., on the ranch were built many years ago, one older than the other. In 1917, Burkett homesteaded the property, so it can be assumed that the first house was built in 1917 or shortly after as per the requirements for homesteaders. The smaller house (probably the oldest house) was single -story, wood -frame construction, with wooden siding. The larger house was a single -story, wood -frame structure with stucco exterior finish. There is no documented information about the architectural details of the structures, or a site plan of the property. A fire occurred in the kitchen of the larger house sometime in early 1995. A demolition permit was issued for the burned house; however, both houses were demolished. In March of 1996 the remaining structures were torn down. Horse corrals still exist on the ranch. The ranch site has been surveyed by an historic archaeologist. The property has been developed into a commercial center. A plaque has been intalled near Washingto Street, recognizing the site as the Burkett homestead. The last Burkett to own the property were Routhford and Gladys Burkett, of Mecca. The first house built on the John Marshall Ranch, which was located at the southern end of Washington Street at Avenue 52 was a homestead house. It is described as small and was built in 1910. A pamphlet, published by the La Quinta Historical Society in 1996, mentions the small house but does not give any details. After the large hacienda style house (Hacienda Del Gato) was built, the smaller house was relegated to the ranch caretaker. The houses on the Marshall Ranch had potential for local historic significance. Mellon and Associates documented the structures on the Marshall Ranch in 1996. The Traditions residential project has been constructed on the land surrounding the hacienda. The Hacienda Del Gato and its adjacent grounds and entry from Avenue 52 have been retained and restored and is used as offices for the homeowners association. The Point Happy Ranch on the west side of Washington Street, just south of Highway 111 was homesteaded by Norman "Happy" Lundbeck at the turn of the century. It was a distinct development from the other homesteaded properties. The ranch included a one -room grade school, built in 1916 primarily to serve the children living on the ranch (Wolff 1985). A teacher was hired for the school. The school building was simple, with a gabled roof, and constructed with wood -frame and wood siding. A school district was formed which served the area between Palm Springs and two miles east of Washington Street. A few years after it was built the school was relocated to Indian Wells. The school district boundaries included over 190 square miles and included present-day Palm Desert, Indian Wells, and La Quinta, as well as a swath eight miles wide, that extended across the Santa Rosa Mountains to the southern county line (Gunther, after Fulmor 1916:119). On July 1, 1929, the Point Happy School merged with the Indio School District (Nordland 1978:31). 30 The Point Happy Ranch had a stable and a small store where the Santa Rosa Mountain spur reaches out into the desert. The ranch was in the path of the Bradshaw Stage road. Only a few hundred yards to the west of the ranch, in Indian Wells, was a stage stop and watering hole (La Quinta Historical Society n.d.). This may have been the walk-in well dug by the Cahuilla. The ranch was purchased in 1922 by Chauncy D. Clarke, a noted philanthropist. He also acquired several adjoining parcels totaling 135 acres. Mr. Clarke named the property the Point Happy Date Gardens. Mr. Clarke planted a large portion of his initial 134-acre property in Deglet Noor date palms. His ranch became a great success, known not only for its dates but also for prized Arabian horses and lavish gardens. Mr. Clarke died on August 22, 1926. Prior to his death, Mr. Clarke sold his Arabian horses to the Kellogg Ranch in Pomona, now the site of the California State Polytechnic University, Pomona. Marie Clarke, Chauncy's wife, was instrumental in founding and financially underwriting the Indio Women's Club. Mrs. Clarke died on October 30, 1948 (La Quinta Historical Society n.d.). The structures on the ranch, which stretched back to the La Quinta Hotel, include an Old California style house, a guesthouse, two swimming pools, an archery course, bridle paths, gardens of rare trees and flowers, and a worker's village with Mexican, Japanese, and American families. Each home in the village was air conditioned and supplied with a radio (Young, n.d.). The Point Happy Date Garden was later sold to Mr. William DuPont, Jr., a member of the famous DuPont family. He built a home astride a mountain saddle in the Santa Rosa Mountain spur that overlooked the Point Happy Ranch. The home is a single story, single-family house of red brick construction. There is a built-in swimming pool and patio deck on the east side of the house. Below, in the date garden, DuPont built a Mediterranean period style home, in 1965, for Miss Alice Marble, a tennis celebrity in the 1930's, with a pool and tennis court. There were several workers' houses on the ranch as well as equipment sheds and carports. Mr. DuPont died on December 29, 1965. Subsequently, portions of the northern portion of the ranch were sold off to developers, where a commercial shopping center was developed. The structures on the ranch were first documented during the City-wide historic resource survey by Mellon and Associates, in 1997. After a complete documentation in 2004, including an oral history Point Happy Ranch was removed and has been replaced with a residential subdivision. The red brick home on the saddle has been retained. 31 2.4 AGRICULTURE In 1849, Dr. Oliver M. Wozencraft, an Indian Agent for the government noted that the Indians in the desert were successfully cultivating plots around springs and water holes (Nordland 1978: 110-111). In 1888, Stephen Bowers traveled through the Coachella Valley and observed that the Indians raised alfalfa, wheat, barley, corn, tomatoes, melons, and other crops. The Euroamerican settlers were growing grapes, semi -tropical fruits, and melons. He also noticed that the date "trees planted in Indio are growing rapidly and promise much for the future." With the arrival of the early homesteaders came the beginning of agriculture as an industry in the La Quinta area. One of the requirements of homesteading was that the land must be under cultivation for a period of time, usually five years prior to the patenting of the applicant's claim. There were a great many attempts to claim land and meet the requirements, but relatively few applicants were able to obtain patents on their claims as indicated by the Bureau of Land Management Historical Indices. The failures were usually due to not being able to obtain a permanent source of water, such as a well, on the land and then being able to farm it for five years. The La Quinta climate was ideal for growing dates, sweet corn, Bermuda onions, and Thompson seedless grapes. The high temperatures resulted in rapid growth of crops. With the Southern Pacific Railroad depot located in nearby Indio, farmers had easy access for shipping their crops to the Los Angeles and San Francisco markets (La Quinta Historical Society n.d.). Cash buyers came from outside the valley to buy dates and citrus. The produce was distributed by rail all over the country, as well as Canada and Europe (Sniff Personal Communication, 1996). Dates proved to be best suited to the climate and soil conditions of the La Quinta area. Dates were first introduced in the United States in 1888 by the U.S. Department of Agriculture although they had been first introduced to the Western Hemisphere between 1720 and 1731 by Spanish Padres from Mexico. By 1921, there were three date experimental stations in the Coachella Valley. Three varieties of commercial dates were grown: Deglet Noor (date of light), Saidy, and Thoory. Dates brought a better return per acre than any other branch of agriculture or horticulture. It takes about five years for a date garden to establish itself for production (International Festival of Dates Association 1921). It usually requires from 5 to 10 years for an offshoot to develop a root system of its own, at which time it can be removed from its parent and planted in the garden. After it is planted, it requires an additional 8 to 15 years to bring it into full bearing. It has been stated that financial returns on a date tree under 20 years old are not to be expected (Shields Date Gardens 1957:26). Ic>i The ideal date growing summer temperatures range between 105 to 125 degrees (F). Dates can be grown from seed but the most dependable commercial fruit is produced from proven offshoots or suckers of known varieties. A young palm will produce dates at six years old and be in full bearing at ten years. Date palms are not self -pollinating. Pollination must be done by hand or the fruit will not develop and mature. This created a need for farm laborers in the valley. A major supply of labor was provided through the Bracero program that brought migrant workers from Mexico for seasonal employment. As a steady pool of labor became necessary in the Valley, various labor/agricultural organizations with the interests of the workers and/or the farmers were created, such as the Cal Date Growers Association, which was formed in 1919. The agricultural soil conditions in La Quinta in historic and modern La Quinta include soil types from three main soil series: Coachella Series, Gilman Series, and Indio Series. A series consists of a group of soils that formed from a particular kind of parent material and have horizons that, except for texture of the surface soil, are similar in differentiating characteristics and in arrangement in the soil profile. Among these characteristics are color, texture, structure, reaction, consistency, and mineralogical and chemical composition. Each soil series includes variants featuring silt loam, fine sands, or sandy loams. The Coachella Series consists of a well -drained alluvium ideal for truck crops, citrus, grapes, dates, and alfalfa hay. The Gilman and Indio Series are also excellent for truck crops, hay, and cotton (USDA Soil Conservation Service 1974). Thus, soil conditions in historic La Quinta were ideal in many areas for the type of farming that was attempted by early homesteaders and ranchers. Erosion, clay content, lack of water, and microclimatic factors were the primary reasons for particular problems or failed attempts at farming in La Quinta. After World War II, the date industry collapsed. Date palms were taken out and replaced with citrus trees on many ranches. About 1950, there was a boom in citrus growing, especially grapefruit and tangerines. However, many acres were planted in citrus just for the tax write-offs that were available. Absentee land -owners, including ranches owned by celebrities, such as that formerly owned by Burt Lancaster on Avenue 50 (now part of the Rancho La Quinta project), increased as the citrus tax shelter became popular. Unfortunately, inferior trees were frequently planted on some of the absentee -owner citrus ranches, which lowered the quality of the fruit while volume production took priority (Sniff: Personal Communication, 1996). 33 2.4.1 Date and Citrus Pioneers John Marshall Ranch In 1902, John Marshall and his brother-in-law, Albert Green, acquired 320 acres from the Southern Pacific Railroad located at the southern terminus of Washington Street and Old Avenue 52 (BLM Historical Indices). They divided the land evenly, with Marshall taking 160 acres west of Washington Street, and Green the east 160 acres. The Cove area soon became known as Marshall's Cove, the periodic lake that formed in the village area was called Marshall Lake, and Washington Street was called Marshall Road at that time. Mr. Green sold his 160 acres almost immediately, as he was not a rancher. The Green property was not developed until 1961 when Howard Ahmanson, President and Founder of Home Savings and Loan Association and art patron, built the existing ranch house, guesthouse, manager's house, several outbuildings, and a 9-hole golf course. The main residence is a 3- bedroom hacienda -style adobe blockhouse of Mr. Ahmanson's design, with Spanish tile roof (Desert Sun, May 9, 19800-1). It is situated in an outcropping of the Santa Rosa Mountains and named Rancho Xochimilco. Mr. Marshall, on the other hand, kept his land and planted a citrus orchard. The existing ranch house is now the temporary clubhouse for the City's Silver Rock Golf Course with several retained outbuilding still used. In 1920, a large hacienda -style house was constructed on the Marshall Ranch by a Mr. Swanson. A smaller adobe house and shed had been built in 1910. Worker's cottages were also constructed. A large swimming pool located next to the large hacienda also served as an irrigation reservoir. As noted, these buildings are now part of the Traditions residential project. The Marshall Ranch was actively farmed through the 1980's. There was a succession of owners since the ranch was originally sold by Marshall's son. Past owners have included William S. Rosecrans (Los Angeles real estate developer and oil tycoon), Kelly McBean, James T. Holmes, Fritz Burns, Bill Young, and Landmark Land Company. The ranch is said to have been prosperous in its farming production. When Rosecrans owned the ranch there were date palms planted in the north end, but after James Holmes bought the ranch, the dates were removed and citrus planted as the date trees were dying. Although there is little information recorded about the history of the ranch, it is known that Rudolph Valentino spent time at the ranch in the 1930's, and that John F. Kennedy was a guest at the ranch (La Quinta Historical Society 1996; Desert Sun, December 6, 1990). It is also thought that Marilyn Monroe had visited the ranch as well. John Marshall made a significant impression in the local area as evidenced by the naming of the intermittent Cove lake that existed south of the La 34 Quinta Hotel property as the Marshall Lake, and the name of Marshall Road (now Washington Street). It is said that ducks were hunted on the lake up until 1923 when the Marshall Lake dried up (Rice n.d.). The lakebed has since been developed with single-family residences. The lake was located at the base of the huge Cove alluvial fan and filled with water when flash floods came roaring down out of the Santa Rosa Mountains (Press - Enterprise, February 3, 1982:6-4). Point Happy Ranch The Clarke family, who purchased the Point Happy homestead in 1922, planted a large portion of their 134-acre holding in Deglet Noor date trees. The ranch became a great success (La Quinta Master Environmental Assessment 1992:5-18). The ranch was called the "Point Happy Date Gardens." Mrs. Clarke died in 1948, and sometime thereafter, the Point Happy Date Gardens were sold to Mr. William DuPont, Jr. The date gardens and citrus were actively farmed for many years after Mr. Clarke initially planted the first trees. The varieties of trees on the property included pecan, tangerine, lemon, fig, apricot and mulberry (Press -Enterprise November 6, 1966). Avocado trees and orange trees had also been planted among the date groves of the original ranch. Later, grapefruit trees were planted (Daily News 1968:3). Rancho La Quinta Fred Ickes, who came to the Coachella Valley with Walter Morgan in the early 1920's, chose to establish a ranch to produce dates and citrus fruits. The ranch existed for many years as one of the most successful ranches in the Valley and is known as the Rancho La Quinta (Anonymous 1951). In 1932, Harry Kiener, of the Big Bear Land & Water Company, purchased several thousand acres, a part of which was Rancho La Quinta. By 1943, Rancho La Quinta (not to be confused with the modern development of the same name located east of the intersection of Washington Street and Eisenhower Drive) had been developed with rare Deglet Noor dates and Marsh Seedless grapefruit trees. Record crops of premium fruit are said to have been produced on the ranch. In a brochure titled, "Presenting La Quinta, prepared by the Palm Springs Land and Irrigation Company (Reprint 1991 — La Quinta Historical Society), there are several photographs of Rancho La Quinta, which was located north of the La Quinta Hotel, and west of what is now Eisenhower Drive. The brochure describes the "agricultural potentialities of the Coachella Valley; the completion of the All -American Canal and the Coachella Branch Canal; the natural advantages already present in La Quinta, plus a future which will undoubtedly witness additional community developments, combine to make this area,... one of the finest 35 desert income -producing properties." The ranch also became known as the Harry Kiener Estate, and most recently as The Enclave, a custom home development. 2.4.2 Truck Crops As mentioned previously, sweet corn, Bermuda onions, and Thompson seedless grapes were grown in the La Quinta area. Truck crops were limited to the flat areas of La Quinta. In many places, there was too much clay in the soil to grow many crop varieties. The lack of water coupled with undesirable soil conditions forced some farmers to abandon their holdings (Stan Sniff: Personal Communication 1996). The Raymond Pederson Ranch, located where the Lake La Quinta development has been constructed on Washington Street, at one time grew gladiolus flowers (Ray House, Personal Communication, 1997). Mr. Pederson attempted to grow dates, but they did not do well on his property. Often there was difficulty in farming due to the soil type, microclimate factors, and availability of water. There were no natural artesian wells in La Quinta (Stan Sniff: Personal Communication, 1996). The Pederson Ranch site was recorded in 1981, for the Riverside County Historic Resources Survey. Structures on the ranch consisted of an early 1920's vernacular ranch house and shed. A photograph taken in 1981 shows a date garden on the property. A lake/reservoir served to irrigate crops. Aerial photographs, taken by the Army Corps of Engineers in 1938 and 1949 show the Pederson Ranch and the others in the area. Later, the Hernandez family grew tomatoes on the ranch (Liz Montoya, Personal Communication, 1997). John Marshall and his son Harry of the Marshall Ranch first planted cantaloupe and onions for a summer crop. It is stated in a brochure written by Patricia Mastick Young, and published by the Palm Desert Historical Society, that the Marshalls farmed their ranch with the help of men from the dust bowl states that had come to California seeking employment. Dates had also been planted on the ranch. The date trees served as a landmark as they could be seen from miles away. In 1921, when heavy rains came to the area, the Marshall Ranch was flooded. Marshall decided to quit farming after finding his ranch entirely under water (Young, n.d.). Manning Burkett, who homesteaded the Burkett Ranch, is said to have farmed "sidewinders, sagebrush, and grapefruit" on his ranch (Young, n.d.). A citrus orchard is visible in the 1939 aerial photograph of the area. Walter Morgan, who developed the La Quinta Hotel, planted alfalfa and dates behind the hotel. 91 Other farming families include the Kennedy family who grew cotton and row crops on land they purchased from a homesteader. The family spent large sums of money and effort to level the sand dunes on their property in order to farm it. A house was constructed at 79-700 Avenue 54 in which the Kennedy family lived for many years. A portion of the property was sold to Landmark Land Company, which built the P.G.A. West golf resort on the Kennedy farm located south of Avenue 54, straddling Jefferson Street. The developers of the resort ironically utilized many earthmovers to build the dunes, hills, fairways, sand traps, and greens back into the landscape (Rice n.d.). The property was subsequently sold to the City and is being developed as a municipal golf course and resort area. The Kennedy residence has been demolished. 2.4.3 Coachella Canal In the 1920's, a Dr. S.S.M. Jennings championed the push for construction of the All -American Canal to bring water for irrigation from the Colorado River to the desert valley. The arrival of the canal into the Coachella Valley had tremendous impact on the valley's agricultural economy. Crop patterns changed over the years with the availability of supplementary canal water. The Coachella Branch Canal was constructed as an unlined main canal and underground distribution system. The war years produced only token work on the canal and distribution system. The branch canal began at Drop 1 on the main canal and continues 123.5 miles to the Lake Cahuilla terminal reservoir within the City of La Quinta. The first water deliveries from the canal were in 1948. Improvement districts were formed by the Coachella Valley Water District to pay for the canal improvements. From June 26, 1948, when the Coachella Branch of the canal was completed, expansion of the irrigated areas was rapid (Nordland 1978). The canal is capable of irrigating more than 80,000 acres of farmland in the Coachella Valley (de Stanley 1966:48). The Coachella Branch Canal loops through the City on the west side of Lake Cahuilla County Park and PGA West, and receives its water from the Imperial Reservoir on the Colorado River north of Yuma, Arizona. It provides a non - potable source of water. The canal water benefit district in the City extends north to Avenue 52 and west to Washington Street. This source of water has been relegated for use in irrigation of golf courses, existing agricultural areas and for recharging the underground aquifer (La Quinta Master Environmental Assessment 1992:5-49). The canal terminates at the modern Lake Cahuilla, which was constructed in 1969 by the Coachella Valley Water District. The lake and surrounding park facilities are currently operated by the Riverside County Parks Department (Coachella Valley Water District 37 1978:1201. The construction of the canal provided many jobs for local residents. That segment of the Coachella Branch Canal located within the City of La Quinta is locally significant and should be designated as a local historic linear engineered structure. To be eligible for the National Register of Historic Places designation, the canal would need to be associated with an important historic context as described in Section 7.1 and having maintained historic integrity of those features necessary to convey significance. The entire canal would then be designated. However, it is beyond the jurisdiction of the City of La Quinta to designate the entire canal. Thus, the only designation that the City can bestow upon the canal is location recognition. 2.5 Properties and Their Significance Within Context 1 Identifying properties that fit within this broad context of Prehistory and Early Settlement involves both systematic City-wide survey and specific development -driven efforts. For the majority of prehistoric and historic archaeological sites, identification is dependent upon the City requiring a cultural resource survey to be conducted as part of the environmental review of a specific development project. There are a number of archaeology reports on file within the City of La Quinta and the Eastern Information Center that contain confidential site information not for public review. This confidentiality is required for the protection of archaeological resources from illegal collection and site looting activities. The information contained in these reports does provide valuable information about the location, extent, and nature of prehistoric and historic archaeological sites. As additional reports are submitted to the City, it will be possible to piece together the bits of information to build. a general picture of prehistoric and early historic lifeways in the La Quinta area. Homesteaders settled in the area in the late 191h and early 201h century. A few of the homesteads had adobe structures. None of the original homestead houses is known to exist today. There were several historic resources identified that fit under the sub -theme "Date and Citrus Pioneers." Most of the earliest structures from this sub- theme no longer exist. Those properties that do exist are the John Marshall Ranch land that was farmed on and off throughout the century. The Hacienda del Gato main ranch house was constructed in the late 1920's, and still stands today. The ranch grounds are currently part of the Tradition. The ranch falls under the Property Type "1920's Spanish Colonial Revival Architecture." Mellon and Associates (1997) concluded that the Hacienda del Gato appears eligible for the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP)• IE Two other structures appear related to the Agriculture sub -theme: a large Spanish Colonial Revival house at 89-041 Avenue 50, and a modest vernacular building at 50-810 Jefferson Street. Both structures may be related to early ranching and agriculture. The last resource identified to fit under the Agriculture sub -theme is the Coachella Canal, a branch of the All American Canal. This linear resource appears eligible for the NRHP (Mellon and Associates 1997). As the City-wide survey is updated, there may be additional resources identified that will belong to the Prehistory and Early Settlers context theme. Additional resources should be added to this document as they are identified. 39